Political History Of Assam Vol. 1 Ed.1st (1826-1919)

POLITICAL HISTORY OF ASSAM

POLITICAL HISTORY
OF

ASSAM

Volume One

1826-1919

General Editor

H. K. BARPUJARI, m.a., pLd. (Lond.)
Formerly Senior Professor and Head, Department of History
University of Gauhati

Editors

S. K. BARPUJARI, m.a., d.phil.

Reader in History
University of Gauhati

A. C. BHUYAN, m.a., ph.D.

Assam Educational Service (I)

Government of A«sam
Dlcpur t Gauhati

Pouttc. al History of Assam, Volume One, Published by
Shri Jstin Hazarika, IAS, Secretary to die Government of
Assam, Department for the Preparation of Political History
of Assam, Gauhati-781000

First Edition : January 1900

PRINTED IN INDIA

BY K. G. PAL AT NABAJIBAN PRESS
00 GREY STREET, CALCUTTA-700006

Foreword

Writing of history is a challenging task, more so when
it concerns the political events of the recent past. Our
emergence as a free nation is a saga of historic upheaval. Our
history relating to this period does not relate to any individual
or any particular group but has been made with the contri-
bution of the entire Indian people. The leadership was thrown
up by the people themselves and we had fought a historic
struggle under the illustrious leadership of a host of imagina-
tive pioneers. And yet, it is difficult and almost impossible
to say who amongst them is more important and who is not.
The entire people of the country had joined the historic
freedom struggle and it is because of the total resistance of
the whole nation that the imperialist rule foundered upon.
The pages of Indian history are replete with events of glori-
ous deeds of patriotism and sacrifice. But hundreds of
patriots with numerous instances of sacrifice at far off comers
of the country must have gone unnoticed and unrecorded.
Therefore, the compilation and publication of a comprehensive
authentic political history is a task, the national importance
of which can be hardly exaggerated.

The story of freedom of India has captured the imagina-
tion of oppressed peoples all over the world. Different
. nations have found in our story of emergence inexhaustible
sources of inspiration and some have even found our technique
appropriate. This gives us an^ inescapable responsibility to
leave behind a proper and authentic account of our story of
freedom for the benefit of the posterity all over the world. It has
special relevance and significance to our own people in the
present stage of our march. Political liberation was not the only
objective of our freedom struggle, it was but the precondition
for a still more difficult struggle for economic and social

(Vi)

liberation from all manner of exploitation. Our contempo-
rary history has been the initiation of a significant phase of
our struggle for economic liberation and social justice. Unless
we can dearly project this vital aspect of our march to
freedom to the younger generation, the proper perspective
is bound to be lost to them and our efforts may also deviate
from the correct direction.

Assam was the last region to be annexed by the
Britishers but she was one of the first to rise in revolt.
Annexed only in 1826, she rose in revolt barely two years
later. The message of freedom from the rest of the country
ignited further Assam’s spirit of freedom and her people
fought shoulder to shoulder with the rest of die nation. She
bled as the rest of India bled, she suffered as the rest of India
suffered and together with the rest of India, she emerged at
the dawn of freedom.

History is a record of the past and the past is never
really dead. Our past, being the foundation of our present
lives through our present into the future. Our future is
deeprooted in our past.

The decision to bring out a comprehensive political
history was taken at a meeting of the Committee to celebrate
the birth centenary year of two our most illustrious freedom
fighters — Karmavir Nabin Chandra Bardoloi and Deshavakta
Tarun Ram Phookun. The Committee entrusted the task of
compiling the history to the State Government, which cons-
tituted a State Committee with Sarvashri Dev Kanta Barooah,
Mahendra Mohan Choudhury, Bijoy Chandra Bhagavati,
Debeswar Sarmah, Mahendra Nath Hazarika, Lakshmidhar
Bora, Harendra Nath Baruah, Satish Chandra Kakati, Hurmat
Ali Barlaskat, Sarat Chandra Sinha, Hiteswar Sailda as
Members and Jatin Hazarika as the Secretary. Subsequently,
the work of gathering information and compiling the history
was entrusted to a team of academicians viz. Dr. Suryya Kanta
Barpujari, Dr. Arun Chandra Bhuyan, Dr. Siba Pada De,
Sarvashri Mrinal Kumar Baruah, Udayaditya Bharali, Ramesh

( vii )

*

Chandra Medhi, Jitendra Nadi Bhuyan headed by Dr. Heramba
Kanta Barpujari as the General Editor. An open request was
also made through die Press to the public to help us by
sending relevant materials like documents, records, photo-
graphs etc. This political history is in fact, the result of the
collective efforts. We are grateful to all concerned.

We are happy to present this volume to the people. We
hope it will invoke new interest in the relevant historic phase
of our national struggle and many more scholars will come
forward to study the specific aspects of the struggle in more
depth and detail.

Dispur SARAT CHANDRA SINHA

January, 1977 Chief Minister, Assam

Preface

The writing of a Political History of Assam was initiated
in 1973 by the Centenary Committee, Karmavir Nabin
Chandra Bardoloi and Deshabhakta Tarun Bam Phookun, but
no concrete step was taken until the State government took
up the project towards the close of 1975 and called on die
undersigned to undertake its General Editorship. In fact
as early as 1950 the Government of Assam had decided to
bring out a Comprehensive History of the Freedom Move-
ment in Assam and a department was created for the purpose.
It had collected a mass of materials, both official and unoffi-
cial; but the actual writing of the volume was not taken in
hand for some reason or other. We had therefore some mis-
givings at the initial stage as to whether it would be possible
for us to take up the project ; all the more, when the entire
work from the search and collection of materials to the
reading of the proofs will have to be done in less than a
years time. We were greatly relieved when we were assured
that all possible assistance will be made available to us and
that the work should be done in conformity with accepted
principles of historical methodology. It was also agreed that
within the time limit only the first volume should be made
ready for the Press and the subsequent volume or volumes
in due course.

The object of the present work is to describe the main
trends and developments of the Political History of Assam
from 1826 to 1947 highlighting, of course, the significant rdle
which the people of this State played in the Nationalistic
movement in India. This volume starts with early British
occupation followed by a period of administrative confusion,
of extortions and oppressions, during which miseries of the
people knew no bounds. The hopes entertained by the
Assamese who hailed the advent of the British with unbounded

(*)

joy were soon turned to bitter disappointment Shorn of their
power and privileges, the official aristocracy of the former
government gave vent to their bitter feelings and hostility
in a number of abortive attempts to overthrow the alieri
government. The experiment of Ahom monarchy that was
restored in Upper Assam as a sop to the discontented nobles-
proved a failure ; and out of desperation, die latter made a
further bid for power in collaboration with die mutinous
sepoys ; but that was also nipped in the bud. The sporadic
uprisings of the frontier tribes whose independence and
liberty was no less threatened with the advance of British
dominion too ended in nothing, and in less than half a century
the greater part of the hill tracts came under the effective
control or sphere of influence of the British.

The attempted reform and reorganisation of die adminis-
tration could not eradicate the evils of an alien government
and their satellites whose interest was more of economic ex-
ploitation than of improving the lot of the masses or redress
of their grievances. However, a sober student of Indo-British
History must admit, that notwithstanding the exploiting
imperialism of the British, there was hardly a movement of
the people against the British government during the period
under review. Despite its faults and failures, the masses in
general acquiesced in the British rule not because they had
any love for the Englishmen, but because they could not
expect to have a better substitute for it. The anti-British
movements, whether in the earlier or later phase, were cons-
picuous by the absence in them of a popular base. Even in
the agrarian revolts of the latter half of the nineteenth century
in which there was participation of the masses, the leading
rdles were in the hands of die vested interests and in no case
was there a movement for the freedom of die country from
the foreign yoke. The situation however altered towards the
dose of the century with the emergence of a group of English-
educated intelligentsia imbued with advanced political ideas.
The latter took the lead not only in ventilating the grievances
of the people through the press and platform but also in

bringing about a regeneration of the Assamese economically,
culturally and politically. It was to the lasting credit of these
patriotic sons of Assam that they roused the dormant spirit
of the masses and thereby prepared the ground for the ulti-
mate struggle for freedom in the next few decades.

The narrative of this volume is based mainly on official
documents, both published and unpublished, preserved at the
archives and repositories of India and abroad, the details of
which are appended in the bibliography. It would have been
physically impossible on our part to collect all these materials
within a period of four months, but for the spade work already
done by the undersigned in connection with his earlier works
viz. Assam : In the Days of the Company ( 1826-58 ) and
Problem of the Hill Tribes : North-East Frontier Vol. I
( 1822-42 ) and Vol. II ( 1842-72 ). In fact, the General Editor
must admit, that he had to include summaries of or incorpo-
rate verbatim in this volume some of his statements in the
aforesaid works. Of the non-official sources, the indigenous
Buranjis or Chronicles, which form a valuable source for the
earlier periods offer less material for our period under review ;
yet we have made use of the fragmentary details on social
and economic conditions of the age from Asamar Padya-
Buranji by Dutiram Hazarika and Bisheswar Baidyadipa, and
Sadar-Aminar-Atmajivani and Assam Buranji (in Bengali) by
Haliram Dhekial Phukan. Literature is a mirror of an age.
Contemporary and semi-contemporary literature, writings of
the Christian missionaries and available newspapers and peri-
odicals of the period have supplied us invaluable materials on
various aspects on the subject.

We must acknowledge our deep debt of gratitude to
Shri S. C. Sinha, the Chief Minister of Assam, for his unfailing
assistance and inspiration from the inception of the project
and to Shri H. Saikia, Minister, Home and Cultural affairs,
Assam, for his constant encouragement in every possible way
and placing at our disposal the relevant documents of the
Intelligence Department, Government of Assam. For their
constructive suggestions and observations we are indebted to

( xii /

Shrijuts H. N. Baruah, L. Borah, S. C. Kakati and H. A.
Barlaskar, the members of die State Committee for the pre-
paration of the Political History of Assam.

It would not have been possible on our part to bring out
this volume without unstinted cooperation and active help of
Shri J. Hazarika, the Secretary to the Government of Assam
and untiring endeavours of Dr. S. K. Barpujari who has
written latter chapters of the volume besides his organisational
work in the project. No less valuable was the contribution
of our other colleague Dr. A, C. Bhuyan, the Associate
Editors — Dr. S. P. Dey, Shri U. Bharali, Shri M. K. Baruah
and Compilers — Shri R. C. Medhi and Shri J. N. Bhuyan in the
collection and processing of the materials at a record time.
To all of them our grateful thanks are due. We are indebted
to Professor T. K. Bhattacharya who read the typescript
before it was sent to the Press, to Dr. M. Taher for preparing
the maps, to Professor S. N. Sarmah for his valued suggestions
and to Professor A. Cuha for supplying us with typed copies
of some materials he painfully collected for his own work.
Our grateful acknowledgements are due to all the authors
whose works we consulted and to the authorities of the National
Archives of India, New Delhi, Nehru Memorial Museum
Library, New Delhi, West Bengal State Archives, Calcutta.
Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Assam,
Gauhati, Office of the District Gazetteers, Assam, Gauhati,
Office of the Deputy Inspector General of Police (Special
Branch ), Assam, Keeper of Records, Assam Secretariat,
Shillong and Gauhati and specially to the staff of the Depart-
ments of Political History of our own and the Chief Minister's
Secretariat, Dispur, Gauhati. We are equally th a n k ful to
Messers Nabajiban Press, Calcutta for printing the book within

a record time.

*

Ours was a race against time. We crave the indulgence of
the learned readers for the omissions and commissions, here
and there, that may have crept in in spite of our best care.

Gauhati

15 January, 1977

H. K. BARPUJARI

Dedicated to the hallowed memory
of those intrepid men and women
of Assam who laid down their lives
for the cause of the country’s freedom

Contents

Page

Foreword •... ... ... ... (v)

Preface ... ... ... ... (ix)

Introduction ... ... ... ... 1

Chapter One

The New Regime ... ... ... 7

Chapter two

Anti-British Movement : Early Phase ... ... 18

Chapter Three

Reoganisation, Resumptions and Annexations ... 29

Chapter Four

Consolidation and Material Progress ... ... 46

Chapter Five

Anti-British Movements : Later Phase ... ... 61

Chapter Six

Agrarian Revolts ... ... ... 88

Chapter Seven

English Education ... ... ... 108

Chapter Eight

The Renaissance and Literature * ... ... 125

Chapter Nine

The Press and Political Associations ... ... 150

Chapter Ten

The Partition of Bengal and its Aftermath ... 176

( *vi )

Page

Chapter Eleven

Morley-Minto Reforms and Assam ... ... 199

Chapter Twelve

The Gathering of the Storm ... ... 222

Appendices

A. Statement showing the increase' in revenues on

land 1839-40 to 1868-9. ... ... ... 245

B. (i) Statement showing the State of Higher Education

in Assam 1869-81. ... ... ... 246

(ii) Statement showing the progress of Higher

Education in Assam from 1893 to 1900.

247

c.

A short Account of the Rise and Progress of

Journalism in the Assam Valley.

249

D.

Extracts from Revolutionary Literature.

253

E.

Extract of the Proceedings of the meeting of the
Assam Association held on the 14th February,

1904. ... ...

257

F. *

Note dated the 31st March, 1904 by Babu
Kamini Kumar Chanda, Pleader and Vice-
Chairman, Municipal Committee, Silchar, in con-

nection with the partition of Bengal.

260

G.

Memorial of Srijut Nabin Chandra Bardoloi, as
witness of the Assam Association to give evi-

dence before the Reform Committee.

263

Glossary

268

Select

Bibliography

272

Index

... ... ... ... ...

279

The Map of Assam, 1875 facing page ...

176

The Map of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1906 facing page 182

Abbreviations

ALCP

AS

BJP

BPC

BBC

BSPC

CD

EBAP

FC

GCP1B

GRPIA

GRP1B

HFM

HPA

HPB

1PC

IRC

JBORS

jlH

PUB

PP (. HC )
RJLB

RUB

RP1B

Assam Legislative Council Proceedings
Assam Secretariat Records
Bengal Judicial Proceedings
Bengal Political Consultations
Bengal Revenue Consultations
Bengal Secret and Political Consultations
Despatches from the Court of Directors
East Bengal and Assam Council Proceedings
Foreign Consultations

General Committee of Public Instruction,
Bengal.

General Report on Public Instruction in Assam

General Report on Public Instruction in Bengal

History of Freedom Movement

Home Political-A

Home Political-B

India Political Consultations

India Revenue Consultations

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research

Society

Journal of Indian History

Political Letters Received from India and
Bengal

Parliamentary papers House of Commons
Revenue and Judicial Letters Received from
Bengal

Revenue Letters Received from India and
Bengal

Report on the Public Instruction in Bengal

Introduction

On the north-east comer of the Republic of India lies the
present State of Assam, situated between the twenty-fourth and
twenty-eighth degrees of north latitude and eighty-ninth and
ninety-seventh degrees of east longitude. The long alluvial
valley of the Brahmaputra or Assam Proper, with which we are
concerned in this volume, extended at the beginning of our
period from the river Manah on the north bank of the
Brahmaputra to the foot of the Himalayas dose upon die
frontier of China. On the north it is bounded by the hills
inhabited by the Bhutias, the Akas, the Ehiflas and the Abors.
The hills occupied by the Mishmis, the Khamtis and the
Singphos separate Assam from China and Burma. On the
south-east lies the States of Cachar and Manipur. From the
Patkai hills, which form the natural boundary with Burma, runs
the irregular chains of mountains commonly known as the
Assam Range occupied by the Nagas, the Jayantias, the Khasis
ahd the Garos westward in succession. Girted thus almost
on all sides by mountain barrier Assam remained practically
isolated. Although the river Brahmaputra formed the high-
way of communication, navigation along the river before the
age of steam was always uncertain ayd at times extremely
hazardous. Geography had imposed a formidable barrier on
her contact with die rest of the world; although through
numerous passes and river routes she was accessible to die •
dwellers of the neighbouring hills and, in fact, for ages past
the fortunes of the two, viz., hills and plains, were closely
sedated and i&extricably interwoven.

2

nmnoucnrar

Prior to the advent of the East-India Company the valley
of the Brahmaputra was ruled by the Ahoms, an off shoot of
the Taf or the great shan stock of South-East Asia. In the
early decades of the thirteenth century, Sukapha, the founder
of die Ahom kingdom, crossed the Patkais and carved out a
principality of his own in the south-east comer of die present
district of Sibsagar. In the next three centuries the con-
querors reduced to submission the Morans, the Borahis and
the Nagas and the original inhabitants of die region and
brought under effective control the greater part of die valley
of the Brahmaputra. The emergence of the Koches in early
sixteenth century called to a halt the forward policy of the
Ahoms; but the most formidable enemy which challenged
their authority in the west was the Mughals. To control the
affairs in Western or Lower Assam, the office of the
Barphukan or Viceroy was created with headquarters at
Gauhati. The Ahom-Mughal conflict continued with occasional
breaks for the greater part of the seventeenth century. The
Mughals under Nawab Mirjumla advanced in 1662 as far as
Gargaon, the capital of the kingdom, and compelled its ruler
Jayadhwaj Singba ( 1648-63 ) to cede Western Assam to the
Mughals. King Gadadhar Singha (1681-96) finally expelled the
Mughals in 1682, reoccupied Gauhati and extended the boun-
dary of the kingdom as far as die river Manah.

From the middle of the eighteenth century the Ahom
monarchy was on the decline. The throne was occupied by a
number of weak but unscrupulous rulers whose only ambition
was the preservation of their own lives and power regardless
of the interests of the State. The Court became die hot-bed
of intrigues and conspiracies and this was followed by political
assassinations and insurrections. The Moamaria rebellion
which broke out in 1769 as a protest against religious intole-
rance of the royal family soon developed into a scramble for
power. In 1778 die rebels overwhelmed the royalists, occupied
the capital and the reigning king Gaurinath Singha (1780-96)
had to flee for his life to Gauhati. To aggravate the rifamHoo
marauders from Bengal known as die Burkondazes ravaged

ZtyumfaH of the Ahom Monarchy 3

the villages in the north of Kamrup. In response to Gaurinath’*
frantic appeals for aid, “From motives of humanity and from
a wish to be better informed of the interior State of Assam,
its commerce, etc.” Lord Cornwallis despatched under Captain
Welsh in 1792 six companies of troops to Assam.* Soon
Kamrup was cleared of die Burkandazes, and die resistance
of the Moamarias collapsed in Upper Assam. Hardly had
Welsh restored law and order in the territory and entered into
a commercial treaty with Raja Gaurinath (28 February 1793)f,
when there occurred a radical change in the policy of the
government. Sir John Shore, the new Governor-General,
resorted to the policy of non-intervention and consequently
troops under Welsh had to be recalled from Assam.

Despite importunities of Gaurinath and his subjects British
tioops were withdrawn in July 1794 and Assam relapsed to
her former state of anarchy and misrule. The Burkandazes
reappeared and renewed their depredations in Kamrup and
Darrang. Internal strife and growing imbecility of the rulers
enabled the vassal chiefs and officers of the government to
assume virtual independence. The Moamarias raised their
heads and became so powerful that their chief Matibar had
to be acknowledged as the head of the tribe by the Ahom
government with the title of the Barsenapatt. The Singphos
from their settlements on this side of the Patkais gradually
advanced and, before long, made the whole tract east of the
river Buridihing their sole preserve. The Khamtis who had
already established themselves on the bank of the river
Tengapani virtually usurped the authority of the Sadiya Khowa
Gohain, the Ahom Viceroy in the eastern frontier, and
reduced the non-Khamtis to the position of mere slaves.

During the reign of Kamaleswar (1795-1811) and Chandra-
kanta (1811-8), die successors of Gaurinath, the Ahom
monarchy showed little sign of its vitality and strength. To

*For details of die expedition under Captain Welsh see Banerjee,
A.C., The Eastern Frontier of British India, Pp. 93-123 , Bhuyan, S K ,
Anglo- Assamese Relations, Pp. 300 ff.

t Aitchison, C.U., Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Pp. 112-5.

4

INTRODUCTION

make matters worse, under Chandrakanta the Court was
divided into two hostile camps — the king and the members of
die royal family on the one side, Pumananda Buragohain, die
Prime Minister and his supporters on the other.* The loyal-
ists, being unable to drive the domineering Buragohain from
power had not the least hesitation in inviting foreign aid and
they succeeded in persuading the Burmese Monarch to des-
patch a force into Assam. In 1817 the Burmese appeared on
die scene, crushed all opposition, installed Raja Chandrakanta
in full power and returned with a huge indemnity and an
Ahom princess as a present to the Burmese Monarch. Reaction
followed soon. Chandrakanta was deposed and mutilated and
'Purandar, another scion of the royal family, was raised to the
throne. When these developments reached the ears of the
Burmese King, he despatched Ala Mingi at the head of another
Burmese force which entered into the Assam frontier in
February 1819. After a feeble resistance Purandar fled to
Gauhati and thence took refuge in Company’s territory.
Chandrakanta though reinstated "found the Burmese to be
dangerous allies ; for they now determined to rule over Assam
themselves. Without any hope of succour and in utter disgust
Chandrakanta, too, entered into Company’s territory. Assam
thus passed under the rule of the Burmese who placed
Jogeswar Singha, a puppet on the throne.

The Burmese unleashed a reign of terror — plunder, devasta-
tion, murder and desecration became the order of the day. The
dreadful atrocities perpetrated on the helpless Assamese could
better be imagined than described. Butler writes :

All who were suspected of being inimical to the reign of terror
were seized and bound by Burmese executioners, who cut off the
lobes of the poor victim’s ears and choice portions of the body,
such as the points of the shoulders, and ( they ) actually ate tire
raw flesh before the living sufferers ; they then inhumanely inflicted
gashes on the body, (so) that the mutilated might die slowly, and
Anally closed the tragedy by disembowelling the wretched victims f .

• For further study see Bhuyan, S. K., Op.cit . ; Chapter VIII.
t Butler, John, Major, Travels and Adventures in the Province of
Assam (1855), Pp. 247-9.

First Anglo-Burmese War

5

No consideration whatever was shown to age, sex and
rank. In the words of Maniram Dewan (1806-58), an eye-
witness of the outrages,

It was dangerous for a beautiful woman to meet a Burmese
even in the public road. Brahmans were made to carry ! <y«i« of
beef, pork and wine. The Gosmins were robbed of all their posses-
sions. Fathers of damsels whom the Burmese took to wives lose
speedily to affluence and power.*

Gangs of local marauders and neighbouring hill tribes,
particularly the Khamtis and the Singphos, having identified
their interests with the invaders carried on their depredations
with fire and sword, plundering temples, ravaging the country
and carrying off thousands of inhabitants into slavery. It is
impossible to estimate the number of persons who fled, or
were killed or deported to Burma. There was wholesale
depopulation, industry collapsed, agriculture was neglected and
trade, if any, was at a standstill.

Apparently the Burmese intervention in the affairs of
Assam had been occasioned by the political bankruptcy of the
Ahom monarch, but the real clause lay in the ambition of the
Court of Amarapura to extend its dominion as far as the valley
of the Brahmaputra. The process began with the reign of
A-Laung— Pa-Ya (1752-60) when a portion of Manipur was
annexed to Burma. In the war of succession which broke out
m 1812 amongst the Manipuri brothers— Chaurjit, Marjit and
Gambhir Singh— the Burmese intervened and set-up Marjit as
the ruler under the suzerainty of the king of Ava. The remain-
wg brothers fell upon Cachar driving its ruler Gobinda
Chandra to seek protection under the British government. The
rapid strides made by the Burmese in the North-East frontier
and their threatening attitude could .not but perturb the
authorities m Calcutta. Burmese occupation of the island of
HdB* possession, in November 1823

27 W6 f “ bent on invadin S British terri-
tory . The vulnerability of the eastern frontier demanded

see F»^w_ M f^ ram ’ Mss BvronH-Vivek Batna, ii. Pp. 188(a) (b)-
w English translation, Bhuyan, S. K., Op.ctt., p. 509.

6

INTRODUCTION

abandonment of the earlier policy of non-intervention and
encouragement of the Assamese and the frontier tribes to resist
and shake off the Burmese yoke. Accordingly David Scott,
Agent to the Governor-General, North-East Frontier, extended
British suzerainty over Cachar under an agreement with Raja
Gobinda Chandra in early March 1824 lest his territory would
afford the Burmese a base of operation, and Raja Ram Singh
of Jayantia followed suit. In the meantime, on the plea of
restoring the rightful claimant to the throne when the Burmese
had converged on Cachar from three directions, Lord Amherst,
the Governor-General, had no alternative but to declare war
agairfst Ava on 31 March 1825.

It is beyond our purview to narrate the details of the
first Anglo-Burmese war which broke out in three sectors —
Assam, Arakan and Rangoon. In the Brahmaputra valley, the
war began with the advance of the British troops both by land
and water under Lieutenant Colonel George McMoraine and
Colonel Richards ; and in less than three months time the
Burmese were routed from Raha, Nowgong and Kaliabor.
But the advancing columns rolled back with the Monsoon
which had enabled the enemy to reoccupy their lost posses-
sions. In the meantime, after a feeble resistance, the Burmese
abandoned their posts in Cachar and fell back upon Manipur
from which they were finally driven out by Gambhir Singh,
the Mauipuri prince, with his irregulars the Manipuri Levy.
When the war was renewed in the Assam Valley after the,
rains, the Burmese beat a hasty retreat and were compelled
to capitulate at Rangpur on 31 March 1825. The subse-
quent operations against the Khamtis and the Singphos con-
ducted under Captain Neufville resulted in the pacification
of the eastern frontier and the emancipation of several thou-
sands of Assamese captives. But for the timely intervention
of the British, Assam would have been converted into a Burmese
province, or parcelled out amongst the hill tribes on the north
and the south.

CflAPTER ONE

The New Regime

At the treaty of Yandabo, 26 February 1826, His Majesty,
the King of Ava surrendered amongst others his claim over
Assam and the neighbouring States of Cachar, Jayantia and
Manipur to the British government. By right of conquest these
territories might be brought directly under the control of the
government. But the authorities in Calcutta were then haunted
so much by the bogey of another war with Burma that they
had no alternative but to continue the policy of conciliating the
neighbouring chiefs and tribes as far as practicable. Already
in 1824 David Scott, the Agent to the Governor-General, North-
East Frontier, had entered into an alliance with Raja Gobinda
Chandra of Cachar under which in return for British protec-
tion, the latter undertook to pay a tribute of rupees ten thou-
sand per annum. 1 Raja Ram Singh of Jayantia, too, in his
agreement with Scott acknowledged the authority of the
British government, but no contribution or tribute of any kind
was demanded of him. 2 Later, « Gambhir Singh, the Raja of
Manipur, was not only vested with the powers of a sovereign
ruler, but allowed to maintain an army, three thousand strong,
to be trained and equipped by the British government : “The
establishment of an independent Government of Manipur in
alliance with us would undoubtedly prove to be most powerful
and effective check upon the Burmese Government.” 3

In the south-east, to ensure security of the frontier Scott
entered into agreement with several chiefs of the Singphos ;
the latter bound themselves to obey the commands of the

1 Aitchison, C.U. ; Treaties Engagements and Sanads, XII, p. 117.

2 Ibid., Pp. 118-9.

3 BSPC., 1824 ; 8 April, No. 8 ; 26 November, No. 9.

8

THE NEW REGIME

government and not to carry on their predatory raids on
British subjects nor to assist the invader on the other side of
the hills. Salan Sadiya Khowa Gohain, the Khamti chief, and
Matibar Barsenapati, the Chief of the Muttocks or the
Moamarias, in their separate engagements undertook to fur-
nish labour and militiamen in any emergency. 4

With none of the members of the Ahom royal family Scott
entered into any alliance or negotiations on the eve of or
during the war with Burma ; yet he sought to pursue the same
policy, in view of the assurance given by George Swinton,
Secretary Government of India, in a despatch on 20 February
1824 that “the Governor-General in Council does not contem-
plate the permanent annexation of any part of it (Assam) to
the British dominion”. 5 He proposed in a letter on 15 April
1826 the restoration of Ahom monarchy in Assam on a tribu-
tary basis under the protection of the British government and
'alternately, to retain Lower Assam as far as Bishwanath as
a part of the British dominion, making over the rest of the
territory with the exception of areas occupied by the Muttocks,
die Khamtis and die Singphos to an Ahom prince. 6 This was
unacceptable to the Governor-General in Council inasmuch as
the proposal envisaged extension of British protectorate over
areas, the resources of which were yet to be ascertained. In
a revised proposal next year “with due consideration of security
and economy”, Scott recommended that Lower Assam be
annexed permanently to British dominion, while Upper Assam,
the territory from Bishwanath to the river Buridihing, be placed
under an Ahom prince on terms to be specifically laid down. 7
Emphasising the importance of conciliating the Ahom nobility
Scott brought home to the Supreme Government that the intro-
duction of the British rule in Upper Assam would be produc-
tive of great resentment and discontent amongst the former
official aristocracy. Apart from this, the annexation of Upper

4 Aitchison, C.U. ; Op.cit, Pp. 119-22.

5 BSPC., 1824 ; 20 February, No. 15.

6 BSPC., 1826; 14 July, No. 2.

7 BSPC., 1828 ; 7 March, No. 4.

Lower Assam Annexed

9

Assam would be uneconomic ; the greater part of its revenue,
estimated then at about a lakh of rupees, would have to be
expended for providing for the members of the former royal
family and grandees of the realm. Lower Assam, on the other
hand, yielded a revenue of more than three lakhs of rupees.
Administered, as it was, by the Viceroy at Gauhati (the
Barphukan) almost independently, this part of the territory
was never amalgamated to the rest of the Ahom kingdom and
its inhabitants, too, Scott felt, would not have the same aver-
sion to the rule of the British ; "rather they might prefer
them to their former masters who were reported to have
humiliated and heaped upon them all sorts of indignities”.
Scott, of course, proposed that the territory in the further east
occupied by the Muttocks, the Khamtis and the Singphos be
placed under a European Officer stationed at Bishwanath.*

The authorities in Calcutta examined the whole issue from
the economic point of view. Lower Assam would yield a
revenue upwards of three lakhs of rupees and its inhabitants,
too, had little attachment to their erstwhile rulers. In their
proceedings on 7 March 1828, they accorded their approval
to Scott’s proposal of permanent annexation of Lower Assam.*
They also agreed to station an officer in or near the areas
occupied by the Muttocks, the Khamtis and the Singphos.
Captain Neufville who had in the meantime acquired an inti-
mate knowledge of the affairs of these tribes was made the
Political Agent, Upper Assam, with headquarters at
Bishwanath. 1 ® Without further examination, they were, how-
ever, not inclined to surrender Upper Assam to an Ahom
prince since “none of the aspirants did afford to the British aid
during the last war which would establish the slightest claim
to a remuneration of any part of .their right by conquest”.
The revenues of Upper Assam, too, it was argued, were fluc-
tuating and under better management it was expected to yield

* Ibid , ; also Allen, B. C., District Gazetteer Kamrup, p. 39.
9 Ibid, No. 8.

J * Ibid.

10

THE NEW REGIME

a surplus even after making adequate provision for the
members of the royal families and dignitaries of the realm.
Above all, it was feared, that the British government would
be responsible for the general defence and protection against
internal commotion or external aggressions. 11

Thus the process began, though slowly, for the extension
of British dominion into Assam or the North-East Frontier.
The people submitted to the inevitable ; in fact, they 'hailed
with unbounded joy” their deliverers who saved them from the
tyranny of the Burmese, and offered them the most loyal
cooperation. Even Maniram Dewan, later an arch-enemy of
the British, heartily welcomed the advent of the English :

The Sarkar Bahadur having vanquished the Burmese occupied
the Killa (fort) of Rangpur, and brought the whole country of Assa n
under their subjection. As the reward of this pious action
rescuing the people of Assam from the sea of Burmese troubles.
may God continue their uninterrupted and undiminished sovereignty
till the end of Kalpa ( i.e., 4,4,320,000,000 years ) and make them
as vigorous and powerful as the Lord of Amarawati ( i.e., Indra >
and ever-glorious like the Priyavrata Raja (a mythical king) 12 .

Arrangements had to be made before long for the collec-
tion of revenue and administration of justice in areas brought
under direct control or sphere of British influence. Scott was
convinced of the utmost importance of adopting the new
administrative measures as closely as possible to the actual
wants, prejudices and conditions of the people and specially
of continuing to employ the leading men of the country in
the discharge of duties of the hereditary offices subject to the
supervision of European officers. He based his revenue
measures on the earlier khel system* making only such altera-
tions as were considered absolutely necessary. In Upper
#

11 Ibid., also 30 May 1829, No. 9.

12 Maniram Baruah, Manuscript Buranji Viveka Eatna , ii. p. 196 (a\

* The whole male ( adult ) population was divided under the Ahom

government into guilds or khels according to their respective occupa-
tions and these were again subdivided into uni ts or gotes consisting of
four and later three pykes or individuals. Every pyke was required to*
serve the State for a specific period or to supply a certain quantity of

Early Administrative Arrangements

11

Assam the khels were retained in tact. In lieu of personal
service and produce, revenues were then demanded in cash.
Janardan Barbarua, a man of rank, was placed in charge of
the revenue department. He was to be aided in his duties
by the Kheldars — Hazarikas , S aikias and Borahs. 1 * In Lower
Assam or Kamrup, then divided into twenty-six parganas ,
settlements were made with the Choudhuries who were entitled
during their term of office to rent-free grants besides the
services of a number of pykes. They had no claim to pro-
perty in the soil or to produce and were liable to be removed
at the pleasure of the government. 14 In 1824-25 Nowgong
and Raha, which formed a separate fiscal unit, was placed
under two Fanners of Revenue — Aradhan Roy and Lata Pani
Phukan. In the same year Scott entered into a settlement
with Raja Bijaynarayan of Darrang on his agreeing to pay
a revenue of Rs. 42,000. 15

In Upper Assam with the exception of a poll-tax of rupees
three per head no tax was levied whereas in Lower and
Central Assam (Darrang, Nowgong and Raha) a tax of rupees
two (g adhan) was imposed on pykes for which they were
entitled to two puras of land each. In addition they were*
required to pay a poll-tax at varying rates under different
names. 16 In both the divisions professional tax on braziers,

his produce and in return he was entitled to have two puras of arable
land. The pykes were supervised by kheldars or heads of khels-Borahs ,
Saikias, Hazarikas , Baruahs and Phukans — all being remunerated with the
services of pykes besides grants of rent-free lands.

13 BSPC., 1826; 7 July, No. 31.

14 BSPC., 1825 ; 5 April, No. 27.

In fact every functionary under the former government from the
Barphukan and Barbaruah downwards held office during the pleasure of
this king. Whenever defalcation occurred or expediency demanded it,
tfie right of removal was incontestable. * BRC. 1836 ; 1 March, No. 40 ?
Bogles 1 September.

15 AS., File No. C.O. 642, 1842 ; Matthic to Jenkins 28 May, 1840 ;
BSPC., 1825 ; 5 April, No. 27.

16 Ibid.,

Kharikatana was levied in Kamrup at the rate of a rupee per plough,
poll-tax in Nowgong one rupee a head while in Darrang it was on
charoos or mess pots from annas four to a rupee.

12

THE NJSW REGIME

gold-washers, fishermen etc. and duties on hats, ghats and
fisheries continued to be levied as under the former govern-
ment. Above all the rent-free grants — debottar, dharmottar
and brahmottar — hitherto exempted from taxation, were
under assessment. 17

For the administration of civil justice, in Upper Assam,
Lambodar Barphukan, a brother-in-law of ex-raja Chandra
Kanta Singha, was appointed coadjutor with Janardan
Barbaruah of the revenue department. 18 To decide cases of
minor importance surrasurree panchayats were set up while
criminal cases were tried by the Political Agent or referred
to the Court of Barphukan . Trial of cases demanding capital
punishment or long-term imprisonment was held before juries
presided over by the Barphukan subject, of course, to the
supervision of the Commissioner of Assam. 19

In Lower Assam the Commissioner aided by Adam White,
his Assistant at Gauhati, tried civil cases without limit and
criminal cases not involving sentences of death. 20 Towards
the close of 1826, when it became physically impossible on
the part of the Commissioner to dispose of all the cases with
promptitude to meet the ends of justice, three native tribunals
were set up at Gauhati. Of these the first, the Rajkhowa 9 s
Court, decided cases of minor importance ; the second under
a Barphukan tried civil cases to the extent of rupees one
thousand and to hear appeals from the lower court. The third
under another Barphukan decided criminal cases and appeals
from the Choudhuries and other revenue officials who were
also empowered, as before, to exercise judicial authority in
their respective jurisdictions. 21 To relieve concentration of
judicial business at the headquarters, a number of mofussil
panchayats, with elected members were set up at populous

17 Ibid.

18 BSPC., 1826 ; 7 July, No. 31 ; Scott 25 May, 1825.

19 Ibid., clso BPC 1831, 30 May, No. 50 ; Neufville 29 April, 1830.

20 White, Adam. A Memoir of Late David Scott, Pp. 16-7.

21 BSPC., 1827 ; 16 February, No. 2.

Administrative Confusion : Lower Assam

ia

areas to which minor civil cases were referred with a right
of appeal to the courts at Gauhati. 22

It appears from official reports that after British occupa-
tion the number of crimes was on the increase in Assam.
Apart from ordinary, theft, cattle lifting, elopement of girls,
cases of burglary, highway and gang robberies hitherto un-
common were of frequent occurrence. 23 The increase in the
number of crimes may be attributed partly to the disuse of
capital and severe corporal punishments as under the previous
government but mainly to the absence of police to protect
the lives and properties in the interior. “The introduction, of
a perfect or even tolerably efficient police”, Neufville
admitted, “in a country like Assam is altogether out of our
power . . . that for a considerable period, at least, its effective
operation must be confined to a certain distance round the
sadar station.” 21 As a matter of fact, a police establishment
consisting of a daroga, a jamadar and a few constables was
maintained at the headquarters, but mofussil police was left
entirely in the hands of the choudhuries , patgiris and other
revenue officers. 25

In the actual working of the new measures, revenue and
judicial, Scott was disillusioned. He was greatly disappointed
to find that the commutation of the services of the pykes
failed to produce “either an adequate pecuniary collection to
the government or satisfaction to the people”. 20 The reasons
were not far to seek. The general survey subsequently con-
ducted revealed that two-thirds of the land remained fallow;
of the arable portion again, about one-fifth was held under
rent-free grants. Remissions had to be granted, frequently,
on account of mofussil collection, desertion of ryots , mistakes,
etc. Above all taxes in the pargadas of Kamrup were hitherto-

22 Ibid .

23 BSPC., 1820 ; 7 July, No. 25, Scott 2 March ; 16 February, 1827,

No. 2.

24 BPC., 1831 ; 10 June, No. 50 ; Neufville 29 April, 1830.

25 BSPC., 1827 ; 10 February, No. 2.

26 BSPC., 1828 ; 27 June ; No. 45.

14

THE NEW REGIME

so low that despite existing rates being doubled, the ’ net
revenue hardly reached Scott’s figures. 27 Convinced of the
impossibility of raising the existing rates any further, Scott
directed his attention to tapping new sources of revenue.
Poll-tax ( kharikatana ) was now extended in Kamnip to all
classes of people including the slaves. 38 Pykes were given
an additional allotment as gamati or bodyland at a rate of
annas seven per pura.* They were further required to pay
6&% on the gross collection to the choudhury for mofussil
expenses, 1% to the treasurer for profit and loss, * 2 % as
commission, 12i*% to 37)2% as a barangani to cover the
expenses of police and contingencies besides interests and fines
for dilatory payment : “Even persons of intelligence would
be puzzled to say how much a ryot would have to pay to
the government. To the unfortunate peasants the account
must have been wholly incomprehensible.” 29

What was worse, tracts of territories had been allotted to
a single individual namely the choudhury by a method which
was more of the nature of a “sale by auction”. No effective
check was taken to protect the ryots from his extortions nor
was any accurate account taken of the collections actually
made. 80 In theory, the choudhury was to be elected by the
people, but in practice not only did he bribe the people by
false promises and even by money, but he resorted to the
same method among the amlahs at the sadar station and this
amount together with the revenue and a profit to himself
were afterwards exacted from the ryots . Moreover foreseeing
the possibility of not being re-clected and determined to make
as much (money) as possible during the period he exacted oil
all sides sometimes five or six times the real amount of rent
collected. 31 ' No wonder, therefore, “the existing system”, in
the words of a contemporary,

27 BSPC., 1827; 9 March, No. 11.

28 BPC., 1833 ; 30 May, No. 89 ; Bogle 10 February.

* One pura is equivalent to 3% Bengal higha or 5877 sq. yards.

29 Ibid.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

Administrative Confusion : Central and Upper Assam

15

has been harmful in the extreme. That its direct tendency has been
to reduce the ryots to a state of poverty and dejection of the most
distressing nature, to cause a great decrease in population, to
impede cultivation .... to create constant distrust and anxiety in
the minds of the people, to eradicate even' feeling of gratitude to
their rulers . . . na

Inevitably

villages once the most flourishing are now deserted and in mins ;
the inhabitants instead of finding the British government a power
which would protect them with enjoyment of their hearths and
homes, have fled by hundreds in all directions, not only to the
neighbouring zamindaris of Bengal, but what is more painlul to
contemplate, to the lawless regions of Boo tan.™

Equally deplorable was the condition in Central Assam.
Settlements were made in different areas mostly with non-
residents without any consideration of the resources of the
country or of the ryots . Innumerable extra cesses were levied,
as in Lower Assam, when even the stipulated revenue could
not be realised. The evils of the system were aggravated by
an abrupt change from a demand of revenue in kind to an
exaction in cash at a time when no trade existed by which the
ryots could dispose of their commodities. The introduction of
money as the medium of exchange without a substantial
increase in the existing currency inevitably fell crushingly on
the ryots for whom there was no alternative but to leave their
hearths and homes to find shelter even in the adjoining hills . 34

Despite universal extortion and oppression, the ryots
scarcely resorted to the courts of law for the redress of their
grievances. The civil cases in the first instance being entirely
left to the local tribunals subject to the remote supervision of
a European functionary hardly met the ends of justice . 35
The number of mofussil courts was few and far between and
the accumulation of business at Gauhati rendered it difficult

32 Ibid.

33 BPC., 1833; 30 May, No. 39, Op.cit.

34 BPC., 1833; 10 June, No. 50.

35 BPC., 1833; 6 June, No. 106.

16

THE NEW REGIME

for the outlying areas to obtain speedy justice. Above all, the
sadar courts were reported to be corrupt in the extreme. In
fact, the courts and panchayats at Gauhati were held by the
people in such distrust and detestation that they preferred to
submit to anything rather than to seek redress at these courts ;
“for it was not uncommon that the presenting of a complaint
was more injurious than putting up with the original case.” 36

The situation in Upper Assam was no less alarming. For
the successful working of the khcl system, all the members
of a particular khel (say sonovcals) should reside as closely
as possible. In fact under the Ahom rulers they were located
in a given tract of territory with definite boundaries. The
unparalleled deaths and desertions in the wake of Burmese
invasions led to such a mixing up of pykes of different units
that the khels became misnomers and their organisation was
one of confusion worse confounded. Even to a man of
experience it became impossible to do justice to the inhabi-
tants of the khels scattering from the river Dikhow to the
Dhansiri and from the Lohit to the Dayang. To effect speedy
collection kheldars had resorted to a host of petty agents of
heterogenous elements whose only concern was to collect as
much as they could by fleecing the ryots. During 1826-8,
a considerable amount of collection never reached the
treasury. The revenue of Upper Assam for the year 1827-8
could not meet even the charges of establishment. In the
meantime ruthless extortion led the unfortunate ryots to
migrate into the territory of Muttocks where taxation was nil
or nominal. 37

The harrowing tales of the affairs of Assam could not but
draw the attention of the authorities in England. “It unfortu-
nately appears certain” remarked the Court,

from whatever cause, we have hitherto governed Assam extremely

ill . . . the country has been retrograding, its inhabitants emigrating,

36 BPC., 1833; 30 May, No. 89, Op.cit ., 23 July 1832, No. 70;
Private Letter from White to the Agent, 28 May.

37 BPC., 1835 ; 13 April, No. 4 ; Scott to Neufville, 22 January 1829.

Administrative Confusion : Central and Upper Assam 17

... its villages decaying and its revenue annually declining ;
although, in natural advantages Assam is stated to be far superior
to Arracan, which since it has been subject to our rule is said
to have been advanced in prosperity. 38

This deplorable state of affairs, in the opinion of the Court
of Directors, amply demonstrated “want of foresight” hitherto
displayed in the administrative arrangements. The Governor-
General was therefore directed to lose no time in framing a
plan of administration providing adequate securities “for
integrity and efficiency” in the subordinate agents of the
government. 39

38 CD., 1834 ; 3 December, No. 14.

38 Ibid.

CHAPTER TWO

Anti-British Movements : Early Phase

To his utter disappointment Scott found before long that
the men of rank proved themselves wholly incompetent to
discharge the duties of the revenue and judicial departments
entrusted to them. They were placed under a novel system
of administration to which they had been quite strangers.
Hitherto written documents were not much in use and writing
was not essential to most of the public functionaries.* They
were now amazed at the mass of writings in which even the
most insignificant transactions of the government were con-
ducted and naturally they proved themselves incapable of
furnishing those voluminous and infinite details required of
them. Consequently, “their very presence caused great labour
and trouble to the European functionaries ”. 1 There were
also cases of embezzlement in money apart from oppression
and extortion of the ryots . Janardan Barbaruah had to be dis-
missed for he was found guilty of defalcation of a huge
amount . 2 His successors, too, proved useless and, therefore,
shared the same fate. “Owing to the indolent and incapable
conduct of the nobility and the impossibility of extracting
money without the use of duress” the local authorities had no
other alternative but to resort to the employment, in lieu of
“men of rank”, “men of ability and business”, mostly from

* In fact, people considered it “derogatory or unnecessary to educate
their offsprings, unless their forefathers were of the class called the
kaguttees ” Consequently, “very few of the higher classes can either
read or write, and (they) retain a kaguttee or writer to transact their
business”. Matthie to Jenkins 9 June 1834 ; AS., vol. 4a, 1834.

^PC., 1831; 10 June, No. 50.

2 Ibid., also 30 May 1829 ; No. 9 ; Neufville 2 April ; Ilazarika
Dutiram, Asamar-Padya Buranji, p. 191.

Gomdhar Konwcir : His attempted Coup

19

the neighbouring districts of Bengal, lest they had to “relin-
quish all hope of realising government dues”. 3 4

Scotts policy of conciliating the former official aristocracy
thus proved a dismal failure. He provided some of them with
jobs under the government, a few others with pensions, gratui-
ties and rent free grants ; but the number of beneficiaries was
extremely small. The Have-nots now pinned their faith on
restoration of the old regime which would retrieve their
fortunes. Herein, too, they were greatly disappointed ; they
doubted the real motives of the government when the matter
was unduly delayed. To their mortification they now found
their kith and kin thrown out of employment. Those who had
“a vested right to office” were elbowed out by a number of
“interlopers from below”. The abrupt change in policy pro-
duced irritation and resentment of the upper classes who
instinctively felt that their future was extremely bleak under
the alien government. No wonder, therefore, they made
repeated attempts to overthrow the British government and
to place a ruler of their own in Upper Assam.

Towards the close of 1828, a group of nobles headed by
Dhanjoy Bargohain, a former officer of rank, took up the
cause of Gomdhar Konwar , a scion of Ahom royal family. 1
The time was highly opportune. The Khasis under Terrut
Singh were then maturing plans to expel the British from their 1
hills. The Singphos in the south-east were also restive ; they
were bidding time and waiting for an opportunity to attack!
the enemy. At the same time the Bhutias in the north were
committing aggressions on the British subjects. Rumours were
afloat that the Regular troops which were on sendee during
the period of the late war would depart from Assam leaving
the defence of the province in the hands of local corps. Not
unreasonably the rebels thought that it would not be difficult
on their part to occupy Rangpur, the former capital of the

3 BPC., 1830 ; 10 June, No. 51.

4 BSPC., 1828 ; 4 December, No. 60 ; BPC, 12 March 1630, No.
4B ; Neufville 14 December 1828.

20

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS EARLY PHASE

Ahom government, by driving out the few war-broken soldiers
that might be left there on guard.

At Bassa, in the south-east comer of Jorhat, Gomdhar
was formally enthroned and was vested with white shoes and
the umbrella, the insignia of royalty. The bailungs or the
priests performed the rituals. Brisk preparations were made
to march against the English by recruiting men, collecting
arms and levying contributions. 5 In the last week of
November 1828, in order to concert measures with their
collaborators at the headquarters the rebels advanced towards
Mariani, twelve miles from Jorhat, where they were inter-
cepted by a detachment under Lieutenant Rutherford. 6 After
a feeble resistance Gomdhar fled into the Naga hills and most
of his followers fell into the hands of the detachment. The
fugitive prince after roaming a few days in the jungles and
being completely frustrated in his attempts surrendered him-
self to Rutherford. The secret documents which were dis-
covered in his possession proved the complicity of Dhanjoy
and his son, and both of them were immediately
apprehended. 7

Gomdhar strongly denied before the panchayat at Jorhat
that he had any wish to wage war against the Company. All
that he wanted was, as it appears from the deposition of some
witnesses, a kingship on a tributary basis under the protection
of the government. When he was on his way to Jorhat to
plead his case personally before the Political Agent, the rebels
goaded him into action against the British government. In
consideration of the fact that he was a mere tool in the hands
of a number of designing people, the Agent to the Governor-
General commuted the capital punishment awarded to him
by the pqnchayat to an imprisonment for a period of seven
years. Dhanjoy being found guilty of abetting and aiding

5 BPC., 1830 ; 12 March, No. 17 ; see depositions of Jalak and
Subedar Baidyanath.

6 BPC., 1828 ; 4 December, No. 10.

7 BPC., 1830 ; 12 March, No. 130.

Uprisings of the Khasis

21

the rebellion was sentenced to death, but he managed to
escape from the jail and penetrated into the Naga hills. 8 *

British occupation of Lower Assam could not but be
viewed with serious concern by the Khasi chiefs who held
the lowlands, commonly known as Naduar or nine duars y
north of their hills. These chiefs were allowed by the former
government to occupy the duars subject to their homage,
good behaviour and payment of nominal rent in kind. On
account of their complicity in the Burmese war several chiefs
lost their possessions. With the rest Scott entered into settle-
ment in 1825 for fixed demands in money. An assessment
based on no certain data and with the scarcity of the circu-
lating medium in a region where barter was the only medium
of exchange resulted in wholesale arrears. Consequently
Collectors had to be changed one after another and in some
cases duars were brought directly under the government.
Within a few years, the Khasis saw that they were deprived
of their low-lands so indispensable for supply of their daily
necessaries, and in fact starvation stared them in their faces.
Independent in bearing, exclusive in spirit, the proud moun-
taineers were not prepared to submit to the English without
a challege. The initiative was taken by Barmanik, the ruler
of Khyrem, who in August 1828 descending down upon the
plains of Dimama, a few miles from Gauhati, levied contribu-
tions, seized collections made by the revenue officers and
publicly declared that in the next winter he would reoccupy
the duars. 9

The credit of organising a war of liberation, however, goes
to Terrut Singh, the Raja of Nungklow. In November 1826, as
the price of mediation in his disputed succession, the chief
entered into an engagement with Scott under which amongst
others he agreed to acknowledge the authority of the British
government and to provide a route for passage of British troops

* BPC., 1834 ; 24 June, Nos. 84-4 ; BSPC, 1830 ; March 5, No. 3,
June 25, No. 4.

9 BSPC., 1828 ; 8 September, Nos. 11-2.

22

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : EARLY PHASE

through his territory. 10 The subsequent improvements in the
road, the erection of police post and a convalescence camp at
Nungklow incurred the displeasure and even enmity of his
neighbours ; for, these developments, they not unreasonably
thought, were prelude to the establishment of British authority
in the hills. 11 The Raja of Nungklow, however, hoped that he
would have support and backing of the English even with
military aid whenever needed and in any case he would have
unrestricted privileges over the duars without payment of any
revenue whatsoever. In his dialogue with Mohadhar Baruah,
the superintendent of the border areas, Terrut said :

Barooali ! Mr. Scott formerly made friendship with me saying
“your enemy is Company's enemy” and that he would reliquish
the Burdowar Revenue, both in money and pykes. He has not
done it and he has the wish to give troops to iny enemy, the Ranee
Rajah. 12

This was a betrayal of trust, thought the unsophisticated
hill chief. He was, therefore, no longer bound by the treaty.
This was followed by the massacre at Nungklow on 4 April
1829 wherein the Khasis under Terrut burnt down the con-
valescence camp, set free the convicts employed in the
construction of road and hacked to pieces several men including
Bedingfield and Burlton, two British officers who had been
there for the recovery of health. 1,1 Nothing short of expulsion
of the English was their ultimate objective, after the attain-
ment of which their plans envisaged political combination of
the most extended nature ; having selected the most intelligent
and trusted agents, “he (Terrut) had sent them off with letters
to Chandrakant, the Bhots, the Singphos . . exciting them to
throw off the yoke of the English”. 11 In a message to ex-raja
Chandrakarfta it was written :

10 Aitchison, C.U., Treaties , Engagements etc., Pp. 122-3.

11 BSPC., 1829; 26 June, No. 2.

12 Ibid., see deposition of Mohadhur Baruah.
y *lbid., 15 April, Nos. 9-10.

11 Ibid., No. 13.

Uprisings of the Khasis

23

The country of the Rajah have (been) taken possession of by the
English. We have been greatly annoyed. We have now killed the
English gentlemen here. Should the Rajah now rise and assist us
we can with the Garrow people descend (from) the hills. 15

To enlist the sympathy and support of the few Assamese
then at their custody the aged queen ( Ranee ), supposed to be
the aunt of Terrut, said :

I have called on you my sons. Be under no apprehension ior
your lives. What was to be done with the Bengalees is done. I
shall cut off the Agent’s head and hang it up in Nungklow and
then proceed to take Gauhati. 1 '*

The immediate objective of the insurgents was to prevent
supplies and reinforcements from reaching Scott who was then
at Cherrapunji. It was planned that Barmanik would guard,
the passes in the north while Terrut would effect a combination
with Makund Singh, the chief of Mosmy at Mumlo with a
view to intimidating the people of Cherra then friendly with
the British, which would enable them to expel the small party
under Scott . 17 The position of the English at Gauhati was also
far from being secure ; only a few weeks before, the Regular
troops had been withdrawn from Assam and the defence of
the frontier was left in the hands of the scattered but limited
number of detachment of the Assam Light Infantry. To make
matters worse, the movement of troops was rendered extremely
difficult for the communication had already been cut off by
the rebels by destroying bridges, obstructing the roads and
raising palisades . 18

Despite overwhelming odds, Captain Lister, the Com-
piandant of the Sylhet Light Infantry, hurriedly arrived at
Mumlo before its occupation by the. insurgents under Terrut . 1 u
Mamlo was burnt to the ground and Terrut had to flee for his

15 Ibid., No .9..

16 Ibid., 28 June, No. 2 ; 25 April, No. 9.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid., 25 April, No. 13; Scott 14 April.

10 Ibid .

24

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : EARLY PHASE

life carrying a reward of rupees one thounsand over his head.
Dewan Singh, the Cherra Raja , volunteered his services ; Singh
Manik of Khyrem and Raja of Nuspung followed suit. 20 On
23 April Scott joined the detachment under Lister who had
since reduced the chief of Lynkuncho, a vassal of Terrut, and
occupied in rapid succession Lungbree, Myrong and Nongkrem.
The Khasis could offer but feeble resistance to the advancing
parties under Scott who pushed their way through burning
villages and in early May entered into Nungklow. Mylliem
also fell in the same month and Barmanik sued for peace. 21
Towards the close of 1829 the hard core of the rebels broke
down, but the desultory warfare continued till the surrender
of Terrut in June 1832.*

In the meanwhile, eluding the vigilance of the police
authorities Dhanjoy entered into Legee, a village in the
territory of the Moamarias, and made preparations for an up-
rising on a 4 grand scale”. 22 Besides his sons Harakanta and
Hcmanath and son-in-law Jeuram Dihingia Baruah, Peali, son
of Badan Barphukan, ex-viceroy of Gauhati, Rupchand
Kontvar(?), Boom Singpho and several others joined the enter-
prise organised by the Bargohain. Emissaries with secret
letters were sent out to the Chiefs of the Moamarias, the
Khamtis, the Singphos, the Khasis, the Garos and the Nagas,
calling upon their aid in expelling the English from Assam
and the neighbouring territories. 23 Invoking the aid of the
S adiya Khowa Gohain, the Khamti Chief, Peali wrote :

... If you wish for a S urgeedeo and the restoration ( to power )

of the seven noble houses, you will not neglect to send along with

the youngrnan ( Haranath ) the soldiers under your orders. We also

20 Ibid., I* May, No. 41; 15 May, No. 9; 22 May, No. 7.

21 7 bid,. No. 6, Scott 21 May.

* For subsequent operations against the rebels see Mackenzie, A,
Relations with the HUl Tribes , etc. Pp. 222ff. Barpujad, H. K., Problem
of the Hill Tribes : North-East Frontier , i , Pp. 81-4.

22 BSPC., 1830; 30 April, No. 5A ; 24 September, No. 76;
Neufville 14 June.

™Ibid., also BSPC., 1830 ; 30 April, No. 5A.

Revolt of the Nobles

25

have taken measures. If you think that this is false, send your
own man to inspect (our force). 21

In a similar strain Dhanjoy wrote :

To Suddeeya Khowa Bappa . . . you sent a boat men for me, but
I could not go, because Stirgeedeo has made the Barphukan the
chief and collected the Booroowas and Thukam of the seven noble
families and the Koonwars and musketeers. We have got the
Bursenaputtee’ s second son and the Bur Booroowas son ; besides
them Jyntea, Moghul, Manipore, the Garrows, the Doplas and (the)
Nagas have all conspired together. On this account I cannot go,
but I tend your brother ( his son Hurnath, and implying that he
considered the Suddeeya Khowa Gohain as his son also ) ... if
you wish to see us restored, give us some men secretly . . . and
you apparently keep terms with the Bengalees. Do not fail . . .
Upon you we rest our hopes. 2 * 5

Simultaneously intelligence arrived of the hostile activities
of the Singphos on either side of the Patkais under Wookum
Khoomyan, a chief of Hukwang. The invaders made, as
reported, elaborate preparations and acted in concert with the
disaffected nobles of Assam. The situation appeared to be a
serious one, but the timely arrival of Captain Neufville with
a party of troops at Liattora on the Noadihing in the middle
of February 1830 prevented the combined move of the enemies.
The Singphos being unable to resist the volly of fire from the
British camp made a hasty retreat beyond the hills. 20

In the meantime after performing the Deo Puja, a ritual
usually observed on such occasions, the rebels advanced to-
wards Rangpur which was then poorly defended by a Jamadar
with thirty sepoys. 27 The failure of Wookum Khoomyan and
lack of adequate response on the part of the neighbouring
chiefs damped their spirits. What proved ultimately most
fatal to their case was the betrayal* of the Sadiya Khowa; the
latter on 20 February seized and surrendered the rebel

24 Ibid .

23 Ibid.

26 BSPC., 1830 ; 30 April, No. 5A ; 5 March, No. 3 ; May, Nos. 46-8 ;
28 May, Nos. 74-5.

27 BSPC., 1830 ; 30 April, No. 5A ; 24 September, No. 70.

26

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS *. EARLY PHASE

Haranath to the Political Agent, Upper Assam. 28 In spite of
these untoward events, on 25 February the rebels numbering
about four hundred made a desperate attack on the post at
Rangpur. They were repulsed and hotly pursued by the
sepoys for a few days after which no trace of them could be
found. A detachment of Assam Light Infantry was imme-
diately sent against the enemy who then entrenched themselves
at Geleki near the Charaideo hills. After a small encounter,
the sepoys dispersed the rebels and succeeded in apprehending
most of the ring leaders except Dhanjoy who penetrated again
into the interior of the hills. 20

The nobility utterly failed in offering a united front to
their common enemy, and in fact, a section of them betrayed
their cause.* The people in general, too, were indifferent to
the cause of the upper orders ; rather they evinced a feeling
of distrust and suspicion for their activities. The villagers of
Sonowal, near Bassa, even refused to acknowledge the preten-
sions of Gomdhar unless he assured them that he had obtained
the raj from the Company, and until he took an oath that he
would not collect any revenue, would grant more lands and
remove their hardships.™ With the memories of the anarchical
conditions still fresh in their minds they were unprepared for
any change in government which would endanger security of
their lives and properties. Nevertheless the anti-British move-
ments, though “chimerical in design and short-lived*, as
Neufville remarked, “created a (sic) most pernicious effect in
unsettling the minds of the natives throughout Assam and
tending much to throw them into that state of anarchy and
confusion from which we have so lately relieved them*. 31

28 Ibid. ,

29 BPC., 1830; 10 July, No. 49.

* Thus Madhabram BSTrgohain, a member of the jxtnchayat , co-
operated with the sepoys and even accompanied them to the Naga
hills. Maniram Baruah, the sheristadur, was totally indifferent to the
cause of the conspirators.

30 BSPC., 1830; 12 March, Nos. 14 and 17; 16 July, No. 49,
Neufville May 29.

35 BPC., 1830; 12 March, No. 4.

Agreement with Purandar Singha

27

Peali, Jeuram, Haranath, Roopchand and Boom Singpho
were tried by the panchayat under the Political Agent at
Jorhat ; and all of them being found guilty of treason and
rebellion were sentenced to death. The Agent confirmed the
verdict on Peali and Jetiram and ordered them to be hanged
without delay since deterrent punishment was considered
absolutely necessary to slop recurrence of similar uprisings.
For the rest, capital sentences were commuted to transporta-
tion for a term of fourteen years with confiscation of
property.' 1 -

The repeated uprisings and the administrative confusion of
the period convinced the authorities in Calcutta that in spite
of best of intentions it would not be possible on their part to
ensure a government in Upper Assam as would be conducive
to the well-being of all the classes . 33 "It would be unreason-
able to expect” remarked Scott in his last communication on
the subject, “that the Ahom nobility and the members of the
royal family whose predecessors ruled the country for several
centuries would relinquish their ancient rights upon the
appearance amongst them of a handful of strangers”. 3, 4 . It
was found extremely difficult to absorb them under the govern-
ment nor would it be possible to provide them all with
pecuniary assistance when the revenues of the territory barely
met the charges of the establishment. The administrative
confusion demanded above all a change ; for “An imperfect
British Administration”, as Scott rightly observed,

whether occasioned by a deficiency of European officers or by an
adherence to customs that are incompatible with the spirit of our
rule must be worse than a native one, which at least possesses a
perfect knowledge of the laws, customs and prejudices of its sub-
jects and an intimate acquaintance with their peculiar revenue
system on which if it is to be maintained in its present shape, so
much depends. 35

32 BPC., 1830 ; 24 September, No. 76.

33 BPC., 1831 ; 10 June, No. 50.

34 Ibid .

35 Ibid .

28

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS I EARLY PHASE

Lord William Bentinck, the Governor-General, reviewed
the whole question from the utilitarian point of view — whether
annexation or restoration of an Ahom prince would contribute
to the greatest good to the government and the governed. He
deprecated the policy of appeasement so persistently advocated
by Scott since the territory was conquered from the Burmese
without any aid from the ruling family ; yet he agreed on the
principle of restoration. 30 He thought that a monarchy which
had lasted without any break for more than six centuries might
be “intrinsically good” and under the “support and advice” of
a British officer might be conducive to the well-being of the
people. 37 The death of Scott delayed the decision of the*
government till October 1832 when it was finally resolved to
assign Upper Assam to a member of the Ahom royal family
who might conduct the administration to the satisfaction of
all classes. Of the several claimants to the throne, the choice
fell ultimately on Purandar Singha who was considered to be
"‘the person best fitted to be at the head of the State”. 38

Under the terms of the agreement on 2 March 1832
Purandar bound himself inter alia to pay a tribute of rupees
fifty thousand, to obey the orders of the Political Agent and to
administer justice on the principles generally prevailed in
company's territory. 39 He shouldered the burdens of a country
of doubtful value at a price that was too high. The tribute
was not based on the actual resources of the country but
fixed on guesswork. To outbid his rivals Purandar also
undertook to collect the irrecoverable arrears of the British
government besides the payment of annual nazaranas . Even
the Court of Directors remarked : “It appears to us very
doubtful whether this chief will be able to pay an annual
tribute amounting to half of his gross revenue without invol-
ving himself in embarrassment.” 40

36 BPC., 1831 ; 2 September, No. 2.

• 37 Ibid.

38 BPC., 1832 ; 5 November, Nos. 4-5.

39 Aitchison, C.U. Treats, Engagements etc. Pp. 135-7.

40 BRC., 1833 ; 12 August, Nos. 3-4.

CHAPTER THREE

Reorganisation, Resumptions and Annexations

T. C. Robertson succeeded Scott as the Agent to the
Governor-General in April 1832. A man of tact, prudence and
sound judgment the Agent apprised himself soon of the whole
situation. He had felt that great injustice had already been
done to this frontier province by reposing its responsibilities
to a single functionary namely the Agent to the Governor-
General overburdened as he was with civil and criminal justice,,
settlement of revenue and multifarious activities of a far
flung frontier. With his prejudice against the “native agency”,
Robertson realised that nothing could succeed in Assam
without the supervision of European officers. On his recom-
mendations in March 1833 the Supreme Government accorded
its approval for the division of the province into four districts
— Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang and Nowgong ; over each was
placed a Principal Assistant (P.A.) vested with the powers of
a Collector, Judge and Magistrate. He was to be aided in
his duties by a Junior Assistant (J.A.) and in some cases Sub-
Assistants (S.A.). 1 Captain White, who had succeeded to the
office of the Political Agent on the death of Neufville in 1830,
was also made the Commandant of the Assam Light Infantry
at Bishwanath. 2

In civil cases the Principal Assistant was to decide original
suits from rupees five hundred to one thousand besides hearing
appeals from Lower Courts ; while in criminal cases he had
the same authority as the Magistrate of Bengal ; of course with
the additional duties of investigating capital cases with the aid

^PC., 1833; 30 May, No. 93.
2 Ibid,, No. 110.

30 REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

of jury* In each district there were two other courts — the
mtmsiffs court and the panchayats ; the former vested with
the powers of trying original suits from rupees one hundred
to five hundred and the latter with the power of deciding cases
of minor importance not exceeding rupees one hundred. The
mofussil panchayats were abolished ; the cases which were
hitherto tried by these tribunals and also by the revenue
officials were to be investigated hereafter by the panchayats
at Gauhati and munsiffs court set up for the purpose at
Bishwanath, Charduar, Naduar and Nowgong.' 1

In revenue affairs, Robertson was not slow to realise that
the existing disorders were due to “paucity of European
officers”, to the “ignorance of those employed of the resources
of the country and the condition of the people”, the demands
"founded upon on no certain data”, “irregular and undefined
additional assessments”, “corrupt practices and intrigues of the
amlahs\ “embezzlement by all parties” and so on. 5 As a
remedy, towards the close of 1832, among others, Robertson
abolished additional imposts including the barangani and
introduced in Darrang and some areas of Kamrup tax on land
at varying rates from a rupee to rupees one and a half. The
ryots were required to pay in addition a capitation tax from
rupee one to rupees three. As a security against extortion,
revenue officers were required to furnish returns showing the
name of the ryots, the quality and quantity of the land and
the number of hearths and homes. After scrutiny, on the
basis of these statements settlements were made directly with
the ryots, and title deeds or pattas were issued to them speci-
fying therein the amount of revenue to be paid under signature
and seal of the Collector. The revenue officers — Choudhuries,
Bishaxjas and Patgiris — became a number of local collectors
ireceiving a* remuneration varying from seven to fifteen per
cent with limited duties to aid the district officers in the

* BRC., 1830 ; 1 March, No. 40 ; Matthie to Jenkins 15 February
1835 ; Bogle to Jenkins, 1 September, 1835.

! Ibid.

3 BPC., 1833; 30 May, No. 93.

Administrative Reorganisation

31

assessment and collection of revenue in his jurisdiction. They
were to be aided in their duties by patwaris (clerks), thakurias
(i mandals ) and gaon kakaties (village accountants).' 1

The revenue was nowhere uniform nor equitably distri-
buted. 7 The taxes on one's caste and calling as well as tho
capitation, house and hearth taxes continued to be levied in
spite of the opposition of the local authorities. The settle-
ments were also made for a period not exceeding five years.
Revenue officers seldom gained during their short term more
than anything beyond the commission allowed to them and
instances were not rare when many of them were subjected to
heavy losses or utter ruin for circumstances beyond their
control. No wonder they had little incentive to make any
improvement in the land or to bring more areas under cultiva-
tion. Nevertheless in the words of Anandaram Dhekial
Phukan, an eminent Assamese of the age, as a result of these
measures :

Every Ryot in Assam is the absolute master of his own lands
from which he is never liable to be ousted until he relinquishes
it out of his own free will, llis liabilities too are ascertained under
the immediate superintendence of the public Revenue authorities,
and clearly laid down in the pattahs Issued to him under the seal
and signature of the collectors, so that any attempt at exaction is
easily detected and restrained. 8

In Upper Assam, too, the situation altered with the
restoration of Ahom monarchy under Purandar Singlia on

0 BRC., 1836 ; 1 March, No. 40 op.cit.

7 Ibid .

Thus in Kamrup the tax on rupit or first class land was a rupee
per pur a and on non -rupit or others from annas twelve to six. In
Nowgong and Raha although the rate of the rupit was the same as in
Kamrup, in non-ruptf it was fixed at annas eight. Again in Darrang
the tax on rupit was one rupee and annas eight per pura while in
others it varied from annas twelve to four. BRC., 1836 ; 1 March No.
40 ; also AS., File No. 298, Report on the Judicial and Revenue
Administration , Assam, 1836.

8 Mills, Report on Assam ; see Dhekial Phukan, A., observation on
the Administration of the Province of Assam , Appendix J. p. xxxiv.

32 REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

24 April 1833. To win over the men of rank, the Raja revived
the customs, traditions and institutions of his predecessors. 9
With his administrative zeal, he reorganised the khels with
well defined boundaries. After ascertaining the assets, settle-
ments were made for a period of three years with the kheldars
who were granted a commission on the gross collection besides
services of a number of pykes.' Q To meet the demands of the
new administration, the heads of the khels were required to
learn within a certain period, reading and writing and that
schools were to be set up for the purpose under their super-
vision. For speedy justice the kheldars were authorised to
try criminal cases involving a penalty to the extent of six
months imprisonment and in civil cases not exceeding rupees
ten besides hearing of complaints against irregularities of
exactions of the amlahs . To decide minor cases, mofussit
courts were set up at Rangpur, Majuli, North Lakhimpur,
Bassa and Dayang. 11 The BarbaruaKs court had the power
of awarding punishment to the extent of three years’ imprison-
ment and of trying civil cases to the amount of rupees one
thousand. The Supreme Court with the Raja as the President
decided civil cases above rupees one thousand and all heinous
crimes. 12

From the very outset Purandar had to confront too many
difficulties. The presence of the Barsenapati , the Muttock
chief, in his neighbourhood without paying any tribute cons-
tituted a source of constant embarrassment. Emigration
followed from Raja's territory to Muttocks where the ryots
were required to pay little or no taxation. The attempt made
by Adam White, the Political Agent, Upper Assam, in early
1835 to impose a tribute of rupees ten thousand on the Muttock
chief ende4 in failure. 13 The attitude of the Supreme Govern-
ment to that chief was also one of “moderation'; since the

9 Ilazarika, Dutiram, Asamar Padya Buranji , p. 95.

10 BPC., 1834 ; 19 June, No. 99 ; White to Jenkins 23 May.

"Ibid.

12 Ibid ; also IPC, 1838 ; 31 October, No. 79 White 25 September.

13 BPC., 1835 ; 13 April, No. 4.

Experiment in Ahom Monarchy

33

neutrality if not of active help of the Barsenapati with the
sturdy Muttocks behind him was considered essential as long
as the situation in Sadiya frontier continued to be unsatis-
factory. Within his own territory Purandar failed to secure
the sympathetic support of his subjects particularly of the
nobility on whom he counted much. Some of his measures,
too, were ahead of the time. The mouzadari settlement
which he introduced in certain areas reducing the number of
fiscal units threw many of the former officials out of employ-
ment. 14 His regulation that if candidates with necessary
educational qualifications were not forthcoming from the upper
orders, the office would be thrown open to all, high and low,
wounded the sentiments of those who had high hopes in his
elevation. Far from improving their condition, the rule of
Purandar had made the lot of the men of rank worse, and in
utter disgust and despair they attempted to thwart him and
even to overthrow him if an opportunity presented itself. 1 J
Purandar nevertheless received the support of Robertson who
in eloquent terms reported : 16

Though many of the higher orders of the Assamese were dis-
contented with his rule, yet we were sure to receive the most
favourable accounts of his actions and all agree in admitting that
he had hitherto (been) to the bulk of the people a mild and bene-
ficient master ....

The situation took a new turn with the arrival of Francis
Jenkins in April 1834 as the Commissioner and Agent to the
Governor-General for Assam and North-East of Rangpur. In
the beginning the Commissioner was no less sympathetic to
the Raja and was convinced of the responsibility of the govern-
ment to support him by all means practicable. He agreed
with the Political Agent on the imperative necessity of putting
a stop to the exodus to Muttock by placing the Barsenapati on
the same tributary basis. 17 The uncompromising attitude of

14 IPG., 1838 ; 31 October, No. 79.

15 Ibid.

16 BPC., 1834 ; 25 March, No. 38.

17 BPC., 1834; 19 June, No. 99; Jenkins to White 6 June.

3

34

REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

the nobility and their constant allegations about the Rajas
oppressive act through anonymous letters poisoned his mind
and made him believe that most of their grievances were
genuine. He was constrained to remark : “Were we now
free to choose whether it were better to take the government
of the country immediately into our hands or to manage it
through the intervention of a native ruler ... it is my decided
opinion, that it should in every way (be) desirable to assume
the direct management of that portion of the province.” 18

To make matters worse, Purandar could not keep up the
agreement with the British government. Since 1835-6 there
was a rapid fall in revenue and consequent arrears of
tribute. 19 This may be attributed partly to the transfer of
Naduar, a subdivision in Darrang, yielding a revenue of about
rupees ten thousand and partly to the removal of civil and
military establishments which had effectively checked recircu-
lation of a considerable amount. The outbreak of cholera
and a famine following it about this time, resulted in hugo
arrears. 20 To aggravate the situation, in March 1836 capita-
tion, house and hearth taxes as well as taxes on one’s caste and
calling were abolished in Lower and Central Assam. Though
hailed as a boon by many, the measure hit the Raja hard ;
tax-ridden fishermen, braziers, weavers and gold washers of
Upper Assam emigrated in hundreds to adjoining British
districts. 21 Though the representation which Purandar made
either for a remission of the tribute or collection of the revenue
on his behalf on account of the runaways received the strongest
support of Captain White, the Political Agent, Upper Assam,
it was turned down - by the Commissioner as “totally
inadmissible”. 22 To him real cause of the exodus and conse-
quent fall in revenue must be the “exorbitant extortion” and
“oppressive character” of his government. The Political Agent

18 BPC., 1835 ; 3 August, No. 8.

19 BPC., 1838 ; 16 May, No. 53 ; Vide Statements B & C.

20 Ibid .

21 BRC., 1836; 1 March, Nos. 28-33.

22 Ibid,, Jenkins 27 October, 1835.

Experiment in Ahom Monarchy

35

was consistent in his support of Purandar s administration. In
his subsequent report after reviewing various aspects of the
Rajas administration, the Political Agent concluded that "it
has worked as well as could have been expected”; that "it
should have a fair trial” by reducing the tribute say to rupees
thirty-six thousand for "it must be remembered that compared
to his meagre resources Raja Purandar Singha had paid the
highest amount of tribute in British India”. 23 Even these
cogent and forceful arguments failed to produce any change in
the mind of Jenkins who remained intransigent as before. All
that he remarked was "Even a reduction of tribute would not
operate otherwise than prolongation of existing evils.” 24

To have a personal knowledge of the affairs of the terri-
tory of Purandar, in early 1838, Jenkins visited Upper Assam.
In his report on 3 April Jenkins attributed the wholesale
emigration of the ryots to the collection of revenue due from
the runaways from those who remained, the oppressive
character of the transit duties, the exaction of undue services,
the want of military protection, wholesale corruption and
inefficiency at the courts of justice and maladministration in
general in the Rajas territory. 25 He had to admit that emi-
gration was also encouraged by lower rate of taxes in Muttock
and by the entire abolition in Lower and Central Assam of
the service of the pykes , the transit duties, and the poll tax.
He recognised that he was given authority over a people of
which masses were indifferent to frequent changes in govern-
ment while the majority of the upper orders were opposed
to him and were actually endeavouring to overthrow him.
In consideration of the fact that "the misrule of the Raja was
not entirely without excuse”, Jenkins recommended partial
resumption of Upper Assam allowing him continued posses-
sion of a part of territory that would yield a revenue adequate

23 IPC., 1837 ; 26 January, Nos. 59-60, White to Jenkins 15
December, 1836.

24 Ibid .

25 IPC., 1838 ; 28 March, Nos. 44-5 ; 4 April, No. 121 ; 16 May,
No. 53.

36 REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

to meet the demands of his government . 26 Curiously enough
the Commissioner altered his mind overnight. Presuming
that there was no future for this unfortunate country unless
the Raja was removed altogether, in a demi-official letter next
morning to H. T. Princep, Secretary to the Government of
India in the Political Department, Jenkins recommended imme-
diate resumption of Upper Assam . 27

“The experiment of monarchy had miserably failed”
deplored the Vice President in Council and therefore “it would
be improper to leave the territory in the hands of Raja
Purandar Singha .” 28 Lord Auckland, the Governor-General,
was prepared, “to leaving him in the enjoyment of some por-
tion of his territory and in any case not inclined to take
immediately so drastic a measure as dethronement”. But when
he was told that the Raja was guided mainly by “a lust for
money”, “to have been under the control of bad advisers”,
“to have a notion of government hateful to the Assamese” and
above all under him “no really efficient can take place”, the
Governor-General had no alternative but to accord his approval
to absolute resumption . 29 It was indeed unfortunate that
under the influence of a group of backbiters instead of taking
an unbiased view of the whole situation the Commissioner
had acted in a doubtful manner so as to hasten the ruin of the
unfortunate monarch. Jenkins failed to realise that

Purandar was elevated to the throne on the strongest recom-
mendations of his capabilities by his predecessors and after a
mature and protracted deliberation of as many as eight years by
the authorities at the Fort William. lie would have earned the
gratitude of posterity had he afforded Purandar a “fair trial" —
the chance to reorganise the government. Instead of applying
proper remedies Jenkins killed the sickman at his bed. 30

Raja* Gobinda Chandra of Cachar, like his counterpart ini
Upper Assam, had to confront enemies within and without.

20 Ibid.

27 IPG., 1838 ; 16 May, Nos. 54-5 ; Jenkins to Princep, 4 April.

28 Ibid.

20 IPG., 1838 ; 22 August, No. 7 ; see Minute by Auckland.

30 Barpujari, II. K. ; Assam : In the Days of the Company , p. 124.

Annexation of Cachar and Territory under Tularam

37

The tribute of rupees ten thousand which he undertook to
pay to the British was fixed on the assumption that the revenue
derivable from Cachar would reach three lakhs of rupees. 31
Cachar possessed, undoubtedly, vast resources and its plains
were extremely fertile ; but it was ruined and depopulated
during the period of invasions. To economise expenditure,
Gobinda Chandra not only reduced the number of Ministers
and Judges but deprived the immunities and rent-free grants
which the latter enjoyed from early times. 32 Every endeavour
was made to collect arrears due from defaulters by distraints
of property, confinement, and in case where land was aban-
dond, by collective fine on the pargana to which they belonged.
To augment the revenue, additional taxes were levied for the
cultivation of poppy, fruits and vegetables, wearing of gold
ornaments, riding on a palanquin ( dola ) or having music at
marriages or festivals. 33 Apart from these unpopular measures,
in his endeavour to reorganise the administration, the Raja
had to recruit a number of outsiders, mostly from Bengal.

1 he Kacharis found themselves before long that they were
losing influence in tlieir own territory. In their utter disgust
and disappointment many of them migrated to the neighbour-
ing districts of Assam as well as of Bengal. 31

The persistent enmity of Gambhir Singh and Tularam
Senapati , the hill chief of North Cachar, made the position ot
Gobinda Chandra wholly insecure. The Raja of Manipur
was enabled not only to build up an army of three thousand
strong, but was indirectly encouraged to commit acts of
aggression on the territory of Cachar. Gambhir Singh pursued
a policy of slow but steady penetration into the hill region

31 BSPC., 1829; 3 July, No. 6; Scott to Swintnn, 19 June; August
14, No. 6.

Scott confessed that the revenue conjectured was “greatly over-
rated and the Raja could hardly pay the tribute without oppressing the
subjects.

32 BPC., 1832 ; 14 May, Nos. 100-7.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid., also BPC., 1832 ; 9 April No. 44 ; Fisher to Scott, 20
September, 1830.

38

REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

east of Cachar. He aimed at grabbing the whole of Cachar
if an opportunity presented itself. 35 The authority of Gobinda
Chandra was challenged by Tularam, the son of Ratna Mala,
reported to be a Manipuri slave girl and Kahi Das, a petty
servant ( Khidmatgar ) of the ruling family of Cachar.*
Gobinda Chandra hated Tularam as the son of a slave girl
and treating him to be a usurper made several attempts to
dislodge him from his hill possessions. In retaliation Tularam
repeatedly raided the plains of Cachar compelling the people
to flee for their lives beyond the hills. 36 In 1829 a compromise
was effected between the two chiefs through the mediation of
Scott ; but scramble for power was sure to ensue after the
death of Gobinda Chandra ; for the blessings of a son was
denied to him. 37 Above all there lay the interest of the
Paramount power ; Cachar "would become (under better
management) the granary of the surrounding region ; and thus
affording adequate supplies to the Manipurian country 7 which
is inhabited by a brave and sturdy race . . . conduce to the
security and tranquility of our North-East frontier”. 38

The authorities in Calcutta were in fact interested in
effecting a settlement with the Raja before his death. Hardly
had the negotiations begun under Scott when on 24 April
1830 Gobinda Chandra was murdered, as alleged, by a
number of Manipuris under the orders of Gambhir Singh. 39
As was anticipated, there arose several claimants to the throne.
The claim of Indraprabha, the eldest queen, was turned down
on the presumption that she was not acceptable to the immi-
grant Hindus on account of her illegitimate marriage with
Krishna Chandra, the brother of the deceased ruler. The

33 BSPC., 1832; 23 July, Nos. 65-9; 26 February 1830; Nos. 2-3.
BSPC., 1&>9; 30 May, No. 2 ; see deposition of Dayaram Burman.

* Tularam supported by some Kacharis claimed his descent from
Tamradhawj, the fourth prince of the dynasty ; but official sources
traced his origin to Kahi Das and Ratnamala.

3C Ibid., vide TularairTs arzee , 5 Falgoon.

37 BSPC., 1829; 14 August, Nos. 5 and 7.

38 BSPC., 1829 ; May, No. 6.

™ Ibid., BPC., 1830; 14 May, No. 38.

Annexation of C achat and Territory under Tularam

39

pretensions of Tularam were dismissed forthwith as he was
looked down upon by the plainsmen as of “low origin”. With
respect to Gambhir Singh, it was felt impolitic by the Supreme
Government to allow him to profit by a crime which was
supposed to have been committed at his instigation. 40 In the
absence of any legitimate or suitable claimant, by a procla-
mation on 14 August 1832 the principality of Cachar was
annexed to the British dominion. Lieutenant T. Fisher who
was then in charge of the district was permanently placed as
its Superintendent under the supervision of the Agent to the
Governor-General, North-East Frontier. 41

Tularam was allowed under an agreement in November
1834 undisturbed possession of greater part of his tract on the
belief that this would form a bulwark against the incursion of
the Nagas. 43 Under the weak rule of Nakulram and
Brajanath, the unworthy successors of the Senapati the terri-
tory was subjected to frequent raids of the Angami Nagas
which made even the neighbouring British districts wholly
insecure. In 1854, when Mills found that “the territory under
its present management is a serious obstacle to the settlement
of the Naga country”. Lord Dalhousie resumed it as a part
of the British dominion. 43

That there occurred a definite change in the policy of the
British government — that appetite came with eating — was
evideut in the transactions with the neighbouring State of
Jayantia. In entering into agreement with Raja Ram Singh in
March 1824, Scott was under the impression that the territory
being inhabited by a “warrior race” would be of great help to
the British in their operations against the Burmese. Scott was
greatly disappointed ; neither in the war with Ava nor in sub-
sequent .operations against insurgent Khasis, the Raja’s aid was
up to the expectation of the local authorities. Lieutenant Fisher,

40 BPC., 1832; 14 May, Nos. 100-9.

41 BPC., 1832; 29 October, No. 142.

42 Aitchison, C.U., Treaties , Engagements etc. Pp. 139-40.

43 FC., 1853 ; 14 October, Nos. 48-9 ; see extract from Mills'

Report ; also Dalhousie’s minute on 27 August.

40

REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

on the otherhand, brought to the notice of the Government of
Bengal that the Raja possessed besides the hills two fertile tracts
"populous, well cultivated and capable of yielding a revenue
. . . sufficient to maintain four or five companies of troops.”
"We have made a very unsatisfactory bargain”, Fisher con-
cluded, “in accepting a military service in place of tribute and
sooner we amend the part of the treaty the better”. 44

The opportunity to revise the treaty soon presented itself.
On 25 September 1832 Raja Ram Singh died and T. C.
Robertson, the Agent to the Governor-General, lost no time
in demanding from his successor Rajcndra Singh, as the price
of recognition by the British government, a new treaty under
which he would be required to pay a tribute of rupees ten
thousand. 1 The Raja protested vehemently against the
proposal. In his representation of 11 January 1834 to the
Governor-General, Rajendra Singh prayed for exemption of
the tribute on the ground of limited resources and recognition
of past services of Jayantia ; the payment of tribute, he pointed
out, was in direct contravention of the agreement with Scott.' 16
Jn reply the Chief was told that the treaty which his prede-
cessor entered into with the British government was a “personal
one” and that he would not be recognised until he bound him-
self to contribute to a part of general defence of the frontier.
It was indeed unjust and impolitic to make a heavy demand
of rupees ten thousand by a declaration that the treaty had
become void by the death of the individual with whom it
was contracted. “If there was no document”, the Court of
Directors observed, “to show that Jyantieah treaty was meant
as a personal engagement liable to revision on the death of
the Rajah we see no reason to assume that we are at liberty
to consider it is annulled by that event.” 47

44 BPC., 1832; 14 May, No. 117 ; Private Letter of Fisher to Jenkins.
16 April.

4j BPC., 1832 ; 5 November, No. 56 ; Robertson 27 October.

46 BPC., 1834 ; 6 February, Nos. 141-3; Rajendra Singh to

Governor-General, 11 June.

47 Ibid ; Metcalf to Rajendra Singh.

Annexation of Jayantia

41

While the question of tribute was under consideration of
the government, Rajendra Singh was implicated in a crime.
In August 1832, four British subjects were seized at Gobha,
a district of Jayantia ; of which three were sacrificed before
the goddess Kali. 4 * In 1821 when an attempt was made to
carry off some British subjects for the purpose of immolating
them Scott had warned Raja Ram Singh that a repetition of
the crime would be followed by annexation of his territory. It
was suspected that the atrocity was committed under the
orders of Rajendra Singh who was believed to be a promoter
of this horrible rite. Strangely enough, Robertson remained
silent over the affair till the end of July 1833, exactly two
months after the refusal of the Raja to enter into a new treaty
and after this he sought to remove the Raja from the throne
on his failure to arrest and deliver up the criminals. The
Supreme Government was not disposed to act so hurriedly
without further investigation. 49 The enquiries which were
subsequently made by Captain Jenkins could not conclusively
prove the guilt of the Raja , yet the Governor-General in
Council considered the case as “sufficiently proved” so as to
warrant annexation of the territory under the warning given by
Scott. Under resolution of the Government of India, 23
February 1835, the territories of the Raja in the lowlands were
to be incorporated into the British dominion leaving the chief
the hill possessions. Without any protest the Raja made over
the entire territory since the resources of the hills would be
extremely inadequate to support himself and his establish-
ment. 50

The proceedings of the Governor-General in Council could
not but draw the attention of the Court of Directors at tlm
Home. They stood opposed from* the very beginning to the
idea of imposing a tribute on the Raja as “an act of impropriety

48 BPC., 1833 ; 12 December, No. 70.

^Ibid., Nos. 70-2.

80 BPC., 1835 ; 23 February, No. 3 ; Jenkins 31 January ; 30
March, Nos. 17, 23-4 ; 20 April, Nos. 1-2.

42

REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS '

and breach of good faith”. 51 The conduct of the Raja was
not such, in their view, as to demand so drastic a measure as
that of annexation. “The confiscation of his territory”, the
Court observed, “has always appeared to us a very summary
measure of doubtful propriety”. Since annexation has already
been a fait accompli, the Court could do no more than direct-
ing the Governor-General to treat the “unfortunate chief’ with
“every reasonable indulgence” and to guard against over
assessment or recurrence of such abuses as had ( resulted )
from the occupation of Assam. 52 The wishes of the Court
were respected more by the breach than observance as will
be seen in a subsequent chapter.

Doubts had been entertained by the local authorities as
to the fidelity of the Barsenapati and the Khamti chief, S adiya
Khowa Gohain. It was not unreasonable to suspect that the
former had a secret hand in the uprising of the nobles in
Upper Assam when one of his sons actively participated in
the enterprise and making a part of his territory a rendezvous
of the rebels. 53 The Khamti chief was also supposed to have
connived at, if not actively aided, the invaders on the other
side of the Patkais. 51 The two chiefs were unfortunately at
l°£g er hcads over their rival claims to the Upper Assam
refugees who had settled themselves at Saikhowa, a tract just
opposite to Sadiya. Despite specific instructions to submit
their disputes to tlfc arbitration of the Political Agent, towards
the close of 1834 the Sadiya Khowa Gohain forcibly occupied
Saikhowa, assaulted the settlers therein and acted in a manner
calculated to incur the displeasure of the local authorities. 55
Retribution quickly followed. Not only was the Sadiya Khowa
Gohain dislodged from his office and later removed as an
internee to Gauhati but his territory on either side of the river,
Sadiya and Saikhowa, was brought under direct control of the

51 CD., 1836 ; 14 March, No. 11 paras 1-5.

52 Ibid., 1838 ; 28 March, No. 18, paras 22 and 24.

5,1 BPC., 1835 ; 13 March, Nos. 2-3, White to Charlton, 1 Februarv.
51 BSPC., 1830 ; 7 May, Nos. 46-8.

55 Op.cit., No. 1, Charlton to White 5 December 1834.

Annexation of Muttock

43

government. 56 The Khamtis could hardly reconcile them-
selves to their lot ; the smouldering ambers of the discontent
lay dormant only to burst forth when an opportunity would
present itself.

In 1835 the Barsenapati agreed to commute the services
of the pykes for a payment of rupees eighteen hundred but
he successfully opposed the move of the Political Agent to
impose a tribute of rupees ten thousand ; “if the Government
was prepared to tax his subject, they must take the country
into their own hands ; he would rather go out than raise such
a tax”. 57 The very presence of the Muttock chief with an
exclusive spirit and an independent bearing was an affront
to the local authorities. Tax-free Muttock continued to be the
standing menace, as it encouraged hundreds of refugees to
emigrate from the British districts. A revision of the treaty
with the Barsenapati became all the more necessary to protect
the interest of British speculators ; Muttock had already
attracted their attention as the best tea-growing district in
Upper Assam. The death of the Barsenapati on 2 January
1839 afforded the Political Agent the much-desired opportunity
to extract a new treaty from the Maju Gohain, the second son
of the Senapati , who had in the meantime assumed charge of
the territory. 58 A few days after, Captain White arrived at
Rongagora, the headquarters of Muttock, and announced at
the durbar or assembly that the British Government was
prepared to recognise the chief on condition of his agreeing
to enter into a new treaty under which he would be required
to pay a higher tribute of rupees ten thousand. This was
stoutly opposed by the Muttocks, and the Maju Gohain politely
submitted that his subjects were too poor to bear any heavier
taxation and that nothing but force would enable him to raise
the demand. The Political Agent was convinced that there
was hardly any prospect of raising a higher tribute than rupees
two thousand five hundred. He considered it inexpedient to

50 Ibid.y Jenkins to Secretary Government of Bengal, 20 January 1834.

57 BPC., 1835; 13 April, No. 4.

58 IPC.. 1839 ; 14 August, No. 105 ; White to Jenkins 26 January.

44

REORGANISATION, RESUMPTIONS AND ANNEXATIONS

antagonise the Muttocks so long as the situation in the Sadiya
frontier continued to be unsatisfactory. 59

The assassination of Captain White following the outbreak
of the Khamtis and consequent insecurity of the frontier*
diverted the attention of the local authorities from the affairs
of the Muttocks. Although the Maju Gohain co-operated with
the local authorities in the defensive measures, his bonafides
were suspected throughout. "If he establishes a firm authority”,
Jenkins feared, 'Tie would be the first to rise against us at
any opportunity”. 00 Hamilton Vetch who succeeded White as
the Political Agent, was not slow to realise that it would not
be possible on the part of the chief to enter into an agreement
against the wishes of his people. "I doubt”, reported Vetch,
“if we can hold the demand of rupees ten thousand without
the risk of disaffection . . . but foregoing the demand without
a fair equivalent would be attributed to weakness”. 01 The
arrival of reinforcement towards the close of 1839 embold-
ened the Political Agent. The application of force was, how-
ever, unnecessary ; for in the meantime Muttock was divided
into two sectarian groups — the Muttocks and the Morans, and
each under the guidance of its spiritual head ( Gossain ) aimed
at dominating the other. The Morans, who formed the bulk
of the population, preferred even the rule of the British to
that of the Muttocks under the Maju Gohain* 2 Having failed
in liis attempts to affect a compromise between the two rival
groups. Vetch resolved on separation of the Morans from
Muttock and to vest the existing incumbent with the manage-
ment of his followers on his entering into a new agreement
with the British government. On the refusal of the Maju
Gohain or any of the chief to accept a truncated country, Vetch
formally annexed the territory of the Muttocks and placed it
under the Jurisdiction of Principal Assistant, Lakhimpur. 63

59 Ibid .

* See page 78.

fi0 Ibid., Jenkins 29 May 1839.

61 Ibid., Vetch to Jenkins 11 May 1839.

62 IPC., 1839 ; 16 October, No. 93.

03 Ibid., 26 December, No. 75.

Defence of the North-East Frontier

45

The annexation of Muttock brought the whole valley of
the Brahmaputra under direct control of the British govern-
ment. The bogey of another war with Ava being removed and
there remaining only forays of the border tribes to deal with,
Regular troops were withdrawn from Assam in 1828 and the
defence of the frontier was entrusted to the Assam Light
Infantry, hitherto Rangpur local corps, with headquarters at
Bishwanath and the contingents supplied by the chiefs of the
Khamtis and the Muttocks. 6 1 In 1835 to guard the northern
frontier against the raids of the Duflas a body of irregulars,
the Sebundis or the First Assam Sebundy was raised in Lower
Assam. 65 In the same year the Barsenapati commuted the
services of the military ptjkes to payments in money ; and the
Sadiya Khowa followed suit. To guard the south-east frontier,
therefore, Captain Hannay raised in 1837 another levy of
irregulars the Doaneah Militia at Jay pur composed mostly of
recruits of mixed parentage of the Assamese and of the
Singphos. 66 The growing insecurity of the frontier in the wake
of the revolt of the Khamtis in 1839 demanded the raising of
a third local corps the Second Sebundis at Jaypur into which
Doaneah Militia was absorbed. 07 By providing employment to
the inhabitants of the region, it was greatly hoped, to attach
to the government warlike families of the Muttocks and
the Doaneahs whose activities hitherto had been “a source
of trouble and suspicion”. The Doaneahs , however, found
military service irksome and gradually withdrew from the
regiment. In March 1844, the Second Sebundy corps was.
disbanded by reattaching the men to the First Assam Sebundy
which was then converted into a local corps and renamed as-
Second Assam Light Infantry . 6S

•

6 *BSPC., 1828; 7 November, No. 8; Pemberton : E astern Fi-veitr
of British India, Pp. 71, 76-7.

65 IPC., 1839 ; 9 October, No. 92 ; see Minute by Robert. >n.

B0 IPC., 1837; 14 August, No. 77.

67 IPC., 1839; 5 June, No. 87.

68 FC., 1843 ; 18 November, Nos. 158-63.

CHAPTER FOUR

Consolidation and Material Progress

A Non-Regulated Province under the Presidency of Fort
William, Assam was placed since its annexation under adminis-
trative control of a Commissioner who had also the duties of
the Agent to the Governor-General, North-East Frontier. In
addition to the administration of civil and criminal justice,
supervision of the collection of revenue, superintendent of
police of the province, the Commissioner had to conduct
political relations with the neighbouring states and chiefs — the
sphere of jurisdiction extending to the southern extremity of
Tipperah. Theoretically he was all powerful — lie was not
bound down by the letter of the Regulations.* In practice,
for all acts beyond ordinary routine and all expenses above the
sanctioned amount he was to obtain prior approval from the
authorities in Calcutta. Delay was therefore unavoidable
when every order however urgent had to emanate through
proper channels from an authority over-burdened like that of
the Government of Bengal. The dangers of too extensive
jurisdiction being revealed during early administrative confu-
sions, in January 1834, he was made the Commissioner and
Agent to the Governor-General for Assam and North-East of
Rangpur ( Goalpara ). For effective supervision, Sylhet was
attached to the division of Dacca and separate arrangements

* The Bengal Regulations promulgated by Lord Cornwallis in 1793
provided a code of Regulations for the administration of the areas under
the Presidency of Fort William. These Regulations were later con-
siderd “wholly inapplicable” to backward areas like the North-East
Frontier. Under Regulation X 1822 such areas were brought under an
executive who was to conduct the administration “by the principles and
spirit of the Regulations” subject to the modification hereafter provided,
see Clark, R., Bengal Regulations Pp. 659-63.

Commissioner and P.A. : Their Multifarious Duties 47

were made for the administration of Cachar, Manipur and Khasi
Hills. 1 To the relief of the Commissioner in 1839 the office
of a Deputy Commissioner was created who was vested with
the authority of a District and Sessions Judge. In spite of
these developments Jenkins frankly admitted, "I have nol been
able to pay, at all times, that attention of ( Sic ) the depart-
ments which I would have wished.” 2 To discharge these
duties he possessed neither a Secretariat nor even a team of
capable Assistants. Owing to the dearth of duly qualified
civil officers, district offices had to be filled up mostly by
officers of the army liable to be recalled to the regiment at
any moment depriving them thereby of the chances of acquir-
ing experience and local knowledge indispensably necessary
for civil duties. However well-intentioned they might be,
their ignorance of the language, customs and usages rendered
it difficult for them to do adequate justice to those under
■their jurisdiction.

Not the Commissioner alone, but the Principal Assistant
later Deputy Commissioner of a district, was burdened with
loo many duties. In addition to the normal duties of a
Collector, he had the functions of a Civil Judge, Superinten-
dent of Police, Executive Engineer, Education Officer and also
of a Post Master. Above all, each district had its border
problems ; district officers were to be ready at all times to
proceed to the spot to make police enquiries or to conduct
punitive expeditions against offending tribes. He was also
expected to visit the neighbouring hills, from time to time, and
endeavour through personal negotiations with the hill chiefs to
remove the causes which had occasioned their hostilities.

In the administration of civil justice, the Principal
Assistant was vested with original jurisdiction of an unlimited
extent and appeals from his court lay with the Commissioner
and in "Special cases” with the Sadar Court. He was also
empowered to transfer cases to the subordinate courts or to

1 PLIB., 1834; 16 January, No. 2.

2 IPC., 1838; 21 November, Nos. 101-3.

48

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

withdraw any case from these tribunals and try them perso-
nally or refer to some other courts . 3 Criminal cases continued
to be tried, as before, by the Principal Assistant with or
without a jury and in the event of any disagreement the
proceedings were forwarded with necessary remarks to the
Deputy Commissioner for final decision. Although the Junior
Assistants were vested with the powers of a Deputy Magistrate
in Bengal, the Sub-Assistants, Sadar Amins and Munsiffs or
the “Native Judges” had only limited jurisdiction both in civil
and criminal cases . 4 Consequently cases accumulated in the
files of the covenanted officers.

By their “justice, uprightness and impartiality” the
European functionaries “had given more satisfaction to the
people than the generality of the Native Judges ”. 5 They could
not administer justice arbitrarily, but by a uniform code of laws
which made no distinction between the high and the low, the
rich and the poor. But the Principal Assistant and those next
to him were so much overwhelmed with cases and multifarious
duties that it was physically impossible for them to meet the
ends of justice. The Principal Assistant was required under
the rules to examine the witness, particularly in criminal cases,
by himself ; but he recorded evidence only for a few days in
a week and the duty was delegated usually to the amlahs —
persons not duly qualified for the purpose . 6

In ninety cases out of one hundred the mohurir ( amlah ) is paid
by the party at whose instance witnesses arc summoned ... In
no instance has the examination of witnesses by the mohtiris admit-
ted of such injury as in criminal cases. The evidence for the
prosecution is, generally, taken without the presence of the defen-
dant or before he is summoned, and there is nobody to watch the
examination. The mohurir puts down whatever he thinks best con-
ducive to, the interest of the party who buys him over to his side. 7

3 BRC., 1836 ; 1 March, No. 4 ; Matthie to Jenkins, 15 February.
1835 also Brodie to Jenkins, 14 November 1835.

4 Mills, Report on Assam % paras 123-4.

5 Ibid., see Dhekial Phukan, A., Observations on the Administra-
tion of the Province of Assam , Appendix J. p. LIV.

*lbid.

7 Ibid .

Administration of Justice

49

Not only the judges but even the courts of law were not
readily accessible. To reach the headquarters, the usual seat
of justice, the aggrieved had to travel long distance, at places
for days together carrying all the way for his subsistence the
necessary quota of rice and other victuals. He could scarely
expect to have on arrival an expeditious hearing of his case.
As in other non-regulated areas, although under the rules
justice should be administered in the “simplest way”, parties
had to undergo even in trifling cases, a course of “vexatious
and harassing procedure”, and nobody knew how indefinitely
one had to await a decision. Even if one was fortunate
enough to obtain a decree in his favour, its execution was
attended with so many obstacles that not unoften the com-
plainant had to return home leaving his case to take its own
course. 8

The munsiffs and mofussil panclmyats continued to func-
tion and decide civil cases in several districts in spite of their
condemnation in the early years of administrative confusion.
Even within their limited jurisdiction these tribunals could not
decide cases according to their merit for the obvious reason
that most of the functionaries were of “inferior ability, and
seem to have been selected some on account of their respecta-
bility of character, others from political motive more than on
account of their sagacity”. 9 Consequently in 1850 the number
of cases decided by them was five in Kamrup, four in Nowgong,
only one in Darrang ; while in other districts they became
obsolete. 10

To protect the lives and properties in the interior there
existed a police establishment, the thana, in charge of a
thanaclar or daroga . He was empowered to arrest suspected
persons, to detain them and even to hold preliminary trials
before sending them to sadar station. The revenue officers
the choudhuries, patgiris and mouzadars — were expected to

8 Ibid.

9 Mills, Op.cit , para 132.

10 BRC., 1850 ; 28 August, Nos. 20-2.

50

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

assist him in the detection and apprehension of criminals.
In practice, he was aided in his duties by a jamadar and a
few constables although he had an extensive jurisdiction
usually over fifty miles. In the whole district of Nowgong,
for instance, an area of over nine thousand square miles there
existed only three ttianas — Nowgong, Jagi and Hossang Hajo.
This extensive jurisdiction in a country full of jungles and
marshes where mobility was exceedingly slow, rendered the
police utterly ineffective. The usual emolument received by
a daroga hardly exceeded rupees twenty with which he was
expected to make both ends meet. Far from the control of
the higher authorities and vested with the powers both of a
prosecutor and judge, the daroga had become a byword of
reproach of extortion and oppression. 11

The abolition of the khel system by throwing the entire
burden on land resulted in substantial increase in the revenue
of the government. This was partly due to the assessment in
1835-6 of bari (garden) lands, in lieu of hearth, poll and capi-
tation taxes, hitherto, totally exempted from taxation. In
1832-3, the net revenue stood at Rs. 183, 196, in 1833-4
increased to Rs. 227, 128 and in 1837-8 when reorganisation
was completed it rose to Rs. 403,968. 12 There was a further
upward trend in revenue when land tax was introduced in
the districts of Sibsagar and Lakhimpur. “The revenue of
the province”, Jenkins remarked in 1844, “will now cover all
the expenses of management . . . and the province will no
longer, under any circumstances that can be foreseen, be a
burden on the finances of the old province.” 1 ’’'

Notwithstanding the steady rise in revenue, attempts had
been made by the district officers to enhance the rate of assess-
ment. This was. considered inexpedient by the Board of

11 Mills see Dhekial Phukan, A., Op.cit., p. XL VI.

12 Collected from BRC ; 1836,1 March, No. 40; 1837, 1 August,
No. 34 ; 1838, 10 July, No. 77 ; Mills, Op.cit para 22, also report on
the district of Nowgong, para 48.

13 AS., File No. 107 ; Jenkins to the Board of Revenue, 12 November
1859.

Increase in Revenues on Land

51

Revenue in a newly conquered but partially-cultivated
province like Assam. In their view "it would be more advan-
tageous both as regards the government revenue and interest
of the people to reduce the rate from the higher to lower
standard than to adopt the reverse of the proposition”. 1 1 The
wishes of the Board were respected more by the breach than
observance. In 1852 on the modification of the tarh,
ihe standard measure from 11&' to 12' there occurred a rise
in rates in all categories of land. Again in 1859, another
attempt was made to raise the assessment on the plea of
equalising the rate of all the districts with that of Kamrup
which was then the highest. They were also motivated b\
their desire of compelling the ryots by the increased demand
to work under the tea-planters who were then facing acute
scarcity of labour in their operations. 1 * 1 The Commissioner of
Assam stood opposed to any enhancement in the rate of rupit
or arable land as that would scare the ryots away from the
cultivation of rice crop, the staple food ; and in fact many
had already diverted to the production of crops like mustard,
the profitability of which had in the meantime gone up several
times. In lieu of enhancement of rate in rupit land, towards
the close of the same year, with the sanction of the Government
of Bengal, Jenkins raised the rates of non rupit lands in all
the districts except Kamrup. In Nowgong and Darrang it
rose to rupee one and annas two from annas fourteen and in
-Sibsugar and Lakhimpur to a rupee from annas twelve and
fourteen respectively. 1 0

To increase the paying capacity of the ryots, of course,
endeavours had been made, from time to time, to give them
a commercial and industrial bias by encouraging cultivation
of crops which were easily marketable and by creating a class
of speculators, local and foreign, to exploit the natural
resources of the province. In 1830 Scott laid before the

1 1 BRC., 1838; 10 July, No. 77.

15 Selection of Records of the Government of Bengal, XXXVII ;
Jenkins to Lushingtou, 11 November 1859.

16 AS., File No. 107 ; Op.cit, also Vide Appendix- A

52

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

Government of Bengal the project of a mulberry farm of one
thousand bighas and the distribution of five hundred reels
to the local people who would be trained in improved methods
of spinning and weaving by artisans imported from Bengal . 17
In the following year, he started the work at Desh Darrang
( Mangaldai sub-division ) ; but the premature death of the
Commissioner in the same year and subsequent indifference
of the Government of Bengal brought the experiment to a
close . 18 In recommending the tax on bari lands Jenkins was
prompted by his desire of converting these “wastes and
haunts of wild beasts into fruitful fields of sugarcane,
mustard, mulberry, lac, tobacco and vegetables.” He thought
that “when the people will find that they will have to pay for
them ( bari lands ) they will consider to what advantage they
can turn them ”. 19

The local authorities were alive from the very beginning
of the fact that unless the vast tracts of waste lands which
covered the greater part of the province were brought under
tillage neither the resources of the government nor of the
people could be improved. They were however allergic to
the allotment of these lands to the local people. In their view
“the most wandering and least industrious of the people”
generally apply for these grants ; and with their “indolent
contentment” no improvement could be effected in the
province . 1 ’ 0 Considering introduction of foreign “enterprise,
capital and skill” as absolutely necessary the Government of
Bengal on the recommendation of the Board of Revenue laid
down that no grant should be made of less than five hundred
acres in extent and unless the grantee satisfied the Collector
that he possessed the required capital and implements for its
utilization - 21 Under these rules one-fourth of the grant was

17 BPC., 1830; 7 May, No. 51; Scott 17 April, also “Assam Silk”„
Asiatic Journal VII (1832) p. 18.

18 BPC., 1832; 2 November, No. 53-4.

1 9 BRC., 1838; 10 July, No. 84.

20 RJIB., 1837 ; 14 March No. 5 ; BRC., 1852 ; 12 August, No. 6.

21 Ibid .

Foreign Speculators Encouraged

53

to be exempted from taxation, but the remaining three-fourth
of it was to be granted rent-free for a period of twenty years
after which it was to be assessed at a graduated rate from an
anna and half to six annas per acre. 22 The local entrepreneurs
were debarred from applying for these grants under favourable
terms ; very few of them possessed the necessary wealth
qualification. Though belatedly, in April 1856, the Commis-
sioner drew the attention of the Board that although on
account of their limited means and “ineptitude for the
management of local estates” the people of Assam had not
been able to do much in the improvement of waste lands,
yet many of them evinced a desire “to create for themselves
farms” in the hope of maintaining their families by this
means. The response from the European speculators was also
not encouraging in spite of the liberal terms granted in their
favour. The Government of Bengal, therefore, approved in
May 1856, the grant of waste lands in future to Europeans,
Assamese and Bengalees and others without distinction and
for the cultivation of whatever crop the grantee might think
proper. 23

The liberal terms for the graiit of waste lands and the
successful experiment then carried on by the government in
the culture and manufacture of tea in Upper Assam encouraged
the newly-constituted Assam Tea Company in London to
enter into the field.* Major Jenkins, ever eager as he was
to encourage foreign entrepreneurs, strongly urged the
making over the government establishments to the Company
since the Government of India had already announced that
in the event of the trial proving successful, the cultivation
and manufacture should be left entirely to individual
enterprise”. 34 The President-in Council was, however, not
inclined to make over to one party “no matter how numer-

22 BRC., 1855 ; 31 May, No. 10.

~ 3 BRC., 1826 ; 2 May, Nos. 19-20.

* For further study of experimental tea-garden in Upper Assam
see Barpujari, H. K., Assam : In the Days of the Company , p. 216.

21 IRC., 1839; 13 July, Nos. 10-3; Jenkins to Halliday, 22 May.

54

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

ously and respectfully constituted” all the benefits resulting
from the employment of public money inasmuch as that would
tantamount to the grant of monopoly of indefinite duration. 25
Fearing that “any postponment in the matter might
depress and discourage the spirit of enterprise then alive”,
Lord Auckland authorised the local authorities to allow the
Assam Company or any other concern to commence operation
subject to the rules and conditions to be laid down hereafter
by the government. 26

Towards the close of 1839, the Assam Company occu-
pied a part of Gabharu hills in the district of Sibsagar and
under Mr. Masters set up an establishment of their own at
Nazira on the bank of the river Dikhow. In the following
year, not only the Company was allowed to collect and
purchase tea-leaves in Muttock, but two-third of government
plantation including services of C. A. Bruce, the Superinten-
dent of the gardens, were transferred to their control. The
operations of the Company soon extended to several tea
tracts in Muttock and territory of the Singphos — Kahong,
Tipam, Nowholea, Jogundo and Ningroo ; and as early as
1843 the Company was happy to announce its maiden divi-
dend of three per cent to its share holders. For the next two
years, however, the Company had to face acute economic
crisis leading to the closure of some factories and resignation
for mismanagement of both Masters and Bruce. The
measures of stringent economy subsequently adopted by the
Company under able management of Messrs Burkinyong,
Campbell, Mornay and Williamson enabled it to convert the
deficit into a surplus. The divident of two and half per cent
which was renewed in 1852 steadily rose to nine per cent in
1858. 2S The subsequent years saw the formation of Maijan
Tea Company and the Jorhat Tea Company besides opening

25 Ibid., Revolution of the Government , 15 July.

20 IRC., 1839; 18 November, Nos. 3-7.

27 Bruce, C.A., Report on the Manufacture of tea etc. p. 4, Antrobus,
H. A., History of the Assam Company, Pp. 48-9, 69, 407-8.

29 Ibid.

Assam Tea-Company

55

of gardens at Mothola, Bojalani, Sukdongia, Bokapara,
Barbarua, Nagaghuli and Deosal. The Assam Company in the
meantime extended its operations to Cachar and the northern
bank of the Brahmaputra. During 1858-9, of about eight
thousand acres under cultivation, the Assam Company alone
held more than half, producing a yield of nearly seven lakh
pounds of tea in eighteen factories. 29

In carrying out their operations the planters had to face
immense difficulties, particularly of labour, both skilled and
unskilled. The Chinese tea-makers had to be imported in
initial stages from their settlements in Singapur, Batavia and
Penang. A Chinese tea-maker could not be had at less than
rupees forty whereas his Assamese counterpart ( tekela ) could
be engaged at less than rupees ten. Apart from being costly
the Chinese at times proved themselves “intractable and
worthless”. 30 The unfriendly relations that then existed with
the Government of China ultimately forced the planters to
resort to local artisans, and fortunately for them, the latter
proved before long as efficient as the Chinese. In their report
of 1842, the Directors of the Assam Company prophesied :

The excellent quality of tea and its improvement since it has
been made by the Assamese . . . most satisfactorily and fully justi-
fies the expectation that the labouring population of Assam will
eventually furnish numerous and skilled-in-the-art labourers for the
purpose of manufacture on a very extended scale. 31

The people of Assam were, however, reluctant to work
as day labourers and under no circumstances at the cost of
their own cultivation. Despite competitive rates that were
offered from time to time,* it was difficult to have adequate

20 Selection of Records of the Government of Bengal XXXVII, Pp.
13-4, 34-5 ; Antrobus, H.A., Op.cit , p. 102.

30 Bruce, C.A., Op.cit , Appendix-G , Antrobus, If. A., Op.cit , 343,
378-80.

3 1 Ibid., Pp. 13-4.

* In 1824-5, a labourer could be had at one rupee a month, in
1839 at Rs. 2-8 and in 1858-9, at Rs. 4-8. Instances were not rare
when men were offered Rs. 6 or more a month.

56

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

hands at seasons when these were greatly needed. There
would be no solution of the problem, Jenkins thought, unless
steps were taken to procure labour from areas of surplus
population. 32 This would not only provide labour to the
planters but enable the local authorities to employ them
during off season in the repair and reconstruction of roads and
works of public utility. Recruitment of the Dhengas from
the South-West Provinces had hardly begun, when the rumour
spread that of those who had gone to Assam none had
returned, all died. The problem became all the more difficult
on account of the lack of proper transport and the long
distance to be covered to the tea districts of Assam. 33 In co-
operation with the local authorities of the area and also of
the Indigo-planters in Bihar, the recruiting agents allayed the
fears and suspicions of the Dhengas and succeeded in allur-
ing them in batches to make their way into Assam. 34 The
problem of transport continued to exist until 1861 when the
Indian General Steam Navigation Company introduced their
regular service for the carriage of labour and stores along the
Brahmaputra.

The indigenous people were loath to work hard mainly
because they had limited wants ; they were satisfied “with the
humblest of food, plainest of clothes and smallest of habi-
tations”. The requirements of their daily life were produced
by their own toil ; they “cultivate rice, pulses, fruits (and)
vegetables to supply their tables ; mustard to light their houses
(and) silk (or) cotton to provide their garments”. 33 Whatever
little trade existed it watf through door to door barter of
commodities like clothes, cotton and muga yam, rice, pulses,
turmeric, mustard oil, tobacco and opium. Attempts had been
made since the days of Scott to create a taste among the
Assamese for commodities not locally available and gradually

32 RLIB., 1839 ; 15 January, No. 7.

33 Ibid.

34 Antrobus, H.A., Op.cit , p. 388 Bruce, C.A., Op.cit ., p. 6.

35 Mills, Report on Assam, see Dhekial Phukan, A ; Op.cit,
p. XXXVIII.

Stimulous to Trade : Internal and External

57

hats and markets were springing up in and around the sadar
stations. There arrived before long traders from Dacca and
Calcutta with loads of foreign textiles, foodstuff and
luxuries. Through hawkers they collected articles of local
produce in exchange of foreign salt, opium, broad cloth and
ironwares. Woollen goods, sugar, coeoanut oil and fine rice
soon found their way into local markets.

External trade was confined formerly to the barter of
agricultural and animal produce in exchange of Bengal salt.
In 1808-9, of the total import of Rs. 228,300, Hamilton refers,
an amount of Rs. 192,500 was expended on account of salt
and the rest on articles of luxuries of the rich and few
European residents in the country. 36 The trade with Bengal
which was mainly river-borne was subjected to customs duties
at Kandahar or Hadira chokey, opposite to Goalpara, on the
Brahmaputra. The duty levied at Hadira was ordinarily
10% ad valorem , but on certain commodities the duties were
imposed so arbitrarily as to discourage merchants to have
commercial transactions with Assam. Transit duties were also
levied at several places beyond Kandahar, at Garo hats , Naga
khuts and river ghats of Cachar. 37 The divergent views held
by the local authorities on the customs chokeys and the
indifference of the Government of Bengal left the merchants
entirely at the mercy of the customs officials. The delays,
forfeitures and occasional oppressions in all the stages of
journey of goods from producers to the consumers led tho
Governor-General in Council in March 1835 to abolish
Kandahar and other chokeys in its neighbourhood and to
leave the trade to and from Bengal perfectly free. 38

The abolition of the custom^ chokeys and the growing
security of life and property gave a fillip to the trade with
Bengal. Lac, oil seeds, cotton and silk, both raw and manu-
factured, formed the most important commodities of export.

3 6 Hamilton, F ., An Account of Assam, p. 47.

3 7 BRC., 1835 ; 7 March, No; 81 ; see Barpu/ari, II. K., “Tariff-Walls
in the North-East Frontier', JIH ., XXXVII, (Part I), Pp. 75-80.

38 Ibid., see Extract from the Political Department.

58

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

The increasing import of foreign textiles and consequent
decline of the cotton industry in Bengal, affected the cotton
trade in Assam. However jute, pulses, teel , wax, rhinoceros*
horn were imported by the merchants of Bengal. Of the
imports apart from salt, foreign cloth, foodstuff and com-
modities used by men of average means were on the increase.*
Since the abolition of the Kandahar chokey it is difficult to
arrive at a correct estimate of the trade with Bengal ; but that
the volume and variety had considerably increased is bonier
out by the fact that the trade of Goalpara alone, as estimated
by district officers, was approximately twenty-two lakhs .’ 9
Although the balance of trade was not unfavourable in some
districts, it is difficult to hold a similar view with respect to
the province as a whole.

In spite of the endeavours that had been made by the
local authorities the material progress of the province con-
tinued to be slow. Dhckial Phukan in his Observation on the
Administration of the Province of Assam deplores that the
British government had failed “to improve in any material
degree the condition and prosperity of the country or even
to repair the loss, it had lately sustained from the domestic
wars and foreign invasions ”. 40 Despite liberal terms that were)
offered, vast tracts continued to be wastes throughout the
province. The hopes entertained by Jenkins that the upper
classes who had hitherto depended upon government sendee
for their livelihood would take the lead in agriculture and
industrial undertakings doomed to bitter disappointment.
They had neither the means nor even inclination to form a
class of landed proprietors like the zamindars of Bengal. The
agricultural ryots , on the otherhand, remained satisfied with
his pittance of arable land wherein he raised the salidhan , his
staple food. His mode of cultivation continued to be primi-
tive and the implements, he used, were of the archaic type.
The annual produce was for his immediate need ; scarcely was

* For statistics see Barpujari, II. K., Op.cit, Appendix F.

3 * Mills, Repon on Assam , vide Report on Gowalpara, paras 10-1.
40 Ibid, see Dhckial Phukan A., Op.cit , Appendix J. p. XXXI.

Effects on Indigenous People

59

there a surplus for sale or for a rainy day. Therefore, in the
event of the failure of crops on account of draught or inunda-
tions conditions bordering famine were of frequent
occurrence. 41 A number of indigenous industries, particularly
spinning and weaving of cotton and silk, continued to exist
and met domestic requirements, but their qualities being
comparatively poor, they could hardly compete with cheaper
and better varieties imported from abroad. Likewise increas-
ing import of brass-coppcr-ironwarcs hit the local artisans
hard while the gold- washers (sono wills) took to agriculture
when they found their time-honoured pursuits less economic.
In trade the whole traffic was carried on by the outsiders,
particularly by the Key as or the merchants from Marwar.
“The Assamese”, in the words of a contemporary, ‘see a set
of strangers in the land getting rich before their own eyes,
none ever follows their example and they appear to have no
inclination to enter into competition with these foreigners”. 12

The economic changes, however, resulted in a steady
increase in population. In the absence of reliable data, it is
not possible to give an accurate estimate as to the number of
inhabitants in Assam prior to British occupation. That the
number of deaths and desertions during the period of civil
w r ars and invasions was enormous, is evident from the fact
that in 1826 the population of the valley of the Brahmaputra,
according to official sources, was estimated at 830,000 souls. 4 ' 3
The administrative confusion, oppression and extortion in the
early days of the Company’s rule reduced the number, accor-
ding to Pemberton, to less than seven lakhs. 41 In 1853,
according to the figures supplied by the district officers to
Mills, the population of Assam proper including Goalpara
exceeded twelve lakhs and this rose to about fifteen lakhs in
1872. 45 This increase in population was due to the influx of

41 Ibid., p. XXXVIII.

42 Barpujari, II.K., Op.cit, p. 245.

4,1 CD., 1834; .3 December No. 4, Para 1 ; Dhekial Plmkan, ifaliram,
Assam Buranji Pp. 70-5.

44 Pemberton, Eastern Frontier of British India , Pp. 66-7.

45 Mills, Op.cit, see Statistics on Assam, 1853, Appendix A.P. I.

€0

CONSOLIDATION AND MATERIAL PROGRESS

outsiders, imported labourers in particular to meet the growing
demands of the planters of Assam. Of the total population of
eighteen lakhs in 1881, nearly three lakhs were immigrants
and their number reached over six lakhs in 1901. 46

40 It was calculated that out of 775, 844 foreigners in the province.
Hill districts inclusive, 645,000 were tea-garden labourers ; majority of
them, instead of returning to their original home after expiry of their
agreements, settled as cultivators in the province. “Nearly 65 percent
of the foreigners had come from the neighbouring province of Bengal,
14 percent from the United provinces, and 10.8 percent from the
Central Province.” An Account of the Province of Assam Pp. 130-1 ;
• Census Report , 1901, Pp.29-30 ; Guha, A. “A Big push without a Take
off ; A case study of Assam” in the Journal of the Indian Economic
and Social History , vol. V, 1968, Pp. 209-11.

CHAPTER FIVE

Anti-British Movements : Later Phase

The ever increasing inflow of immigrants into Assam
produced consequences of far reaching importance in the poli-
tical, economic and cultural life of the Assamese. No foreigner
( Bangui as he was called ) was permitted by the Ahom
government to settle in Assam unless he contributed to the
cultural and material prosperity of the people. Muslim immi-
grants were allowed to settle in Assam since their services
were essential “in deciphering and interpreting of Persian
documents, carving of inscriptions . . . minting of coins, em-
broidery works, painting with fast colours, carpentry, sword and
gun making and the manufacture of gun powder ”. 1 There is
hardly any evidence of communal outburst or ill-feeling bet-
ween the Muslims and Hindus of Assam. Nowhere had the
immigrant Muslims identified themselves so completely with
the indigenous people as in the valley of the Brahmaputra.
Shihabuddin Talish found amongst the Assamese Muslims
“nothing of Islam except the name ; their hearts are inclined
far more towards mixing with the Assamese than towards
association with the Muslims ”. 2 To facilitate commercial tran-
sactions with Bengal, merchants of Marwar were allowed
to set up galas or depots at several locations in western
Assam. In the early days of the Company “these cntciprising
men are stationed in all principal parts of Assam, and their

1 Bhuyan, S. K. (ed.), Tangkhungia Buranji , Introduction, p. XXX.

2 Sarkar, J. N., Translation of Fathiyya-i-lbriyya, JBORS. (1915)
p. 193.

Shihabuddin Talish, the Muslim chronicler, who had accompanied
Nawab Mirjumla in his Assam Expeditions (1862-3), in his Tarikhi-l-
Assam or Fathiyya-l-lbriyya , has provided an elaborate account of
Assam and her people in the later half of the seventeenth century.

62

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

petty agents stroll about the frontiers, wherever there is a
chance for making a rupee”. 3 The very fact that a handful
of foreigners penetrated and carried on their transactions
into the interior of the country without any let or hindrance
clearly shows that their relations with the local people were
quite friendly although they remained socially aloof. Like-
wise, the tea-garden labourers, Hindustanee sepoys, the
Nepalese, etc. continued to constitute a floating population
following their respective customs, usages and traditions.

The case was otherwise with the settlers from the neigh-
bouring districts of Bengal. Since north-east Bengal hitherto
formed a part of the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa, later
Kamata, there had been frequent contacts between the inhabi-
tants of these regions which was evident from their linguistic
and cultural affinities. 4 The process was accelerated when
the Ahom King Siva Singha (1714-44) made Hinduism the
state religion and initiated himself into it by a saktist priest
of Nawadwip whom the neophyte king made the chief of
the Kamakhya temple, the centre of the tantric cult in Eastern
India. Though the commercial treaty which Gaurinath Singha
(1780-94) had entered into W'ith Captain Welsh in 1793 opened
the gates to the merchants of Bengal to enter into the interior
of the province, it was not until British occupation of Assam
when avenues of employment both in office and trade were
opened that the inflow of population from the districts of
Sylhet, Dacca, Mymensingh and Rangpur actually began.
The amlalis of Bengal replaced the official aristrocracy when
the latter proved themselves incapable of discharging their
duties under the alien government.* The task of the new
recruits was made all the more easier when in April 1831
Government of Bengal made Bengali in place of Persian the
language of the court ; for it was found too costly and too
difficult to have substitute when a Persian scribe was on leave

3 M'Cosh, Topography of Assam , p. 63.

4 For further details, see Sarmah, S. N., Asamiya Sahittjar Itibritta 9
Pp. 45-51.

* See ante p. 18.

Deplorable Condition of the Upper Classes

63

or left the service. 5 6 Before long, the newcomers from Bengal
not only made the revenue and judicial departments their sole
preserve, but their services became equally indispensable to
the newly-started government schools for dearth of local
teachers specially to impart instructions in Bengali which had
since been made the medium of instruction.

It was not so much the cultural or linguistic domination
as the economic impact — their virtual monopoly of office in
all departments — that made the immigrants from Bengal the
eye-sore of the upper classes for whom there was now no means
of livelihood except that of government service. Their feel-
ings were to a great extent shared by their sympathisers and
supporters, and this was accentuated during the period of
administrative confusion when it was generally held that the
umiaks were at the root of all the evils. 0 They had high hopes
that their fortunes would be retrieved on the restoration of
the old regime. The anti-British movements which they orga-
nised succeeded in raising Purandar to the throne of Upper
Assam ; but the latter belied their expectations. In utter dis-
appointment and disgust they worked for the ruin of the e\-
raja and therein too, they succeeded. Their condition how-
ever became all the more worse ; in the settlement of 1840-
*11, Captain Brodie, the newly appointed Principal Assistant,
Sibsagar, abolished the khels and divided the whole district
into innumerable fiscal units ( tangonees ) placing over each
a man of respectability and character irrespective of rank,
whether a Phukan , Baruah , Saikia or Borah. 7 The levelling
tendency of the British government however enlightened it
might have been, was premature in a country where distinc-
tion on account of one's birth or rank was too deeply ingrained
to be obliterated so hurriedly. The men of rank found it

5 BPC., 1830; 30 April, Nos. 05-0.

6 Robinson writes : “All that the; Assamese know of the; Bengali
character from the observations of the life led by the Bengali omlah
employed in the country ( is that he was ) by no means a favourable
specimen ... they have a very low opinion of the virtue of the Bengali."
AS, File No. CO. 507. Robinson, 1 October No. 760.

7 BRC., 1840; August, Nos. 28-30.

64

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : EATER PHASE

beneath their dignity to work hand in hand with those who
had been till recently their subordinates. They were further
irritated when they found that the khats which they held
rent-free were also brought under assessment. 8 The condition
of the upper classes became all the more deplorable on the
abolition of slavery by Act V in 1843 when they were pushed
down to the level of ordinary ryots. “Those whose ancestors
never lived by digging, ploughing or carrying burdens are
now reduced to such degrading employments”. 9 To their
mortification they found their privileges and immunities were
lost to them while to meet the rising demands of the govern-
ment or even to eke out a miserable existence, many had to
mortgage or sell whatever tangible property they possessed.
In his representation to the Commissioner Kandarpeswar
Singha, the grandson of Purandar, deplored :

... it is not myself alone whom Government has suffered
to live in misery, but a great many old and respectable
families amongst whom are the seven families of the Ahoms . . .
The Kakotees , Kotokees, Deodhay, Ryloong Pandits of the Court,
Doloyes, Astrologers , Kookoorachuah Chaodang, Dolakhoria,
Daodhorali, Jorahdhorah, Changmai . . . and other functionaries
have been equally sufferers by my grandfathers forfeiting the
division of Sibsagar which has been committed to his charge ...
These ancient honourable families who had enjoyed likehoos ,
attendants and other means for support have been constrained to
pay rents (on) house, gardens, etc. after having been deprived of
the benefices mentioned above . . . Hence their miseries can be
easily conceived (imagined) than described and it will I fear reflect
eternal stain in your and my grandfather’s generous career for
failing to uphold the almost extinguishing name of the Rajah of
the house of “ Indra *’ and to provide for the poverty of the old
and honourable . . .” 10

In a similar strain Maniram bewailed :

i

The upper and middle classes have seen those offices abolished
... their loguas and licksos taken away, male and female slaves set

8 Mills. Report on Assam , see report on Sibsagar, Pp. 3-4.

9 Ibid., see Translation of a petition by Moneeram, Appendix K.B ,
p. LX VIII.

10 AS., Letters received from Miscellaneous Quarters, vol. 19, No.
913 ; Kondeerpessur Singh, 13 June 1856.

Maniram Championed The Cause of Monarchy

65

free . . . exemption and prescriptive rights that had lasted for 600
years removed, the fame and honour of respectable people des-
troyed, and by making them pay revenue like other poor
people they have been reduced to the greatest distress.. 11

No wonder, therefore, the upper orders could hardly
reconcile themselves to the British government. As the years
rolled on, their lot became more and more deplorable. Their
salvation lay, they felt, only in the restoration of the ancient
regime by overthrowing the alien government. Who would
organise and lead them in the war of liberation ? Initially
their hopes rested on the members of the royal family ; but
Purandar had died in 1846 and Kameswar, his son and suc-
cessor, passed away a few years after. There remained
Kandarpeswar, the Charing Raja *, then a mere boy of eleven.
From an unexpected quarter, however, there had arrived the;
man of destiny, Maniram Baruah, hitherto, one of the most
loyal and trusted officer of the East-India Company.

As early as 1828, the ability, intelligence and resourceful-
ness of Maniram had attracted the attention of Captain
Ncufville, the Political Agent, Upper Assam, who made him
the Sheristadar-Tahsildar of the division. 12 Maniram revealed
his administrative genius in the reorganisation of the khels
under which the deficit of revenue of the earlier years was
converted into a surplus. Not only did he not show any sym-
pathy in the abortive movements against the British, but aided
the local authorities with provisions and labour in their expedi-
tions against the insurgent Khasis, the Garos and the Bhutias. 1 *
The services of Maniram continued to be indispensable under
the restored monarch Purandar who entrusted to him in addi-
tion to his earlier duties, the supervision of several fiscal units
( bishayas ). The resumption of Up'per Assam brought ruin
not only to the Raja but also to Maniram ; for under Brodie’s

11 Mills, Op.cit.

* The heir-apparent of the Ahom Raja was generally called tin*
Charing Raja .

12 Ibid .

13 Ibid.

5

06

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

revenue measures the latter was deprived of all the fiscal
charges with the exception of three mouzas . After serving a
few years as the Dewan or the chief executive of the Assam
Company at Nazira, Maniram attempted to open a few gardens
of his own at Jorhat ; but he failed on the refusal of the autho-
rities to grant him waste lands at concessional rates like the
European planters. To aggravate the situation, in 1851 Brodie's
successor Charles Holroyd transferred from him even the
remaining mouzas which his family held for a generation to an
individual who was hitherto subordinate to him. Without
rank, without honour and even without the very means of
livelihood, Maniram found it extremely difficult to run a house-
hold of 185 souls. 11

Maniram felt, like disaffected nobles, that there was no
future for him and his countrymen without the restoration of
the former government. It was doubtful if the Dewan at this
stage ever thought of waging a war against the Company. In
any case he threw his lot with Kandarpeswar Singha who
was also then experiencing utmost difficulties in shouldering
the responsibilities of a family that was on the verge of ruin.
Though young, Kandarpeswar realised that the authorities in
Calcutta would not reopen the question of restoration in his
favour when they had turned down the representations which
were repeatedly made by his predecessors. Nor could he
pray for a pension or pecuniary assistance, for that would
close the door once for all for further representation.
Kandarpeswar accepted the guardianship of the Dewan who
never ceased, as alleged, harping on him with “sanguinary
hopes of getting the country to his management”. 15

Soon an unlooked for opportunity presented itself. To
institute an enquiry into the administrative afFairs, in June
1853, A. J. Moffat Mills, the Judge Sadar Dewani Adawlat ,
paid a visit to Assam. When Mills arrived at Sibsagar,

14 Ibid., Bardoloi, K., Sadar-Aminar Atmajibani, p. 11.

15 AS., File No. 299, Jenkins to the Secretary, Gbvemment of Bengal,
tee petition of Kandarpeswar Singha, Calcutta, 27 February 1863.

Memorials to Mills by Maniram

67

Kandarpeswar waited upon him and urged in a representation
to him his right to hold Upper Assam on a tributary basis
under the East-India Company . 16 Though he was given a
patient hearing, the young prince was discouraged by Mills
from entertaining any hope of restoration . 17 Maniram also
submitted two memorials to Mills ; in one he prayed for some
favours from the government in recognition of the continu-
ous loyal services rendered by him ; in the other, the more signi-
ficant one, he pleaded for the restoration of the monarchy in
favour of Ghana Kanta Singha, the son of ex-raja Chandrakanta
Singha . 18 Maniram presented a balance sheet of the adminis-
tration of the East India Company for over a quarter of
century emphasing therein the grievances of the people, the
higher classes in particular.

Bv the stoppage of such cruel practices as extracting the
eyes, cutting off noses and ears, and the forcible abduction oE
virgins from their homes and by the removal of all wayside transit
duties, . . . the British government has (earned) for itself inesti-
mable praise and renown, but by the introduction into the pro-
vince of new customs, numerous courts, an unjust system of taxa-
tion, an objectionable treatment of the hill tribes, . . , neither the
British government nor their subjects have gained any benefit. 19

Amongst other evils, Maniram referred to the introduc-
tion of government opium, the destruction of indigenous
artisans, the neglect of the study of the sastras , the appoint-
ment of inhabitants of Marwar and the Bengalees of Sylhet as
mouzadars , the scrapping of the prescriptive rights and immu-
nities of the higher orders reducing them down to the level
of ordinary ryots and the discontinuance of the pujas at the
temple of Kamakhya subjecting the country, thereby, to
famines, pestilence and other calamities. "Illustrious Sir”
deplored Maniram :

“We are just now as it were in the belly ol a tiger ; and il
our misfortunes yielded any advantage to the Government, we

1 6 Mills, Op.cit, see report on Sibsagar, Pp. 14-5.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid. ; see Translation of a petition by Moneeram, Appendix FC.B.

19 Ibid.

(B8

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

should be content ; but the fact is, there is neither gain to the
people nor the Government ; and so long as the present state of
things continues, we see no prospect of improvement in future.” 20

Much of the maladies Maniram attributed to the appoint-
ment of a number of inexperienced young military officers in
charge of the districts. “Their youth, and indiscretion pre-
vented their discriminating between good and evil or regard
with any consideration, the manners and customs of the
people .” 21 He therefore strongly urged the restoration of an
Ahom prince that might reintroduce, with modification, the
customs and institutions of the good old days. The prince so
raised would be aided by a civil officer designated as Maha-
vxantri who would also be in charge of a local militia that
might be detailed for military defence of the territory. After
pieeting all the charges of the establishment, the Detcan
calculated, there would be a surplus in revenue to the extent
of two lakhs . 22

In his report Mills, loo, made adverse comments on
various aspects of the administration sparing none, high or
low ; but he considered the evils referred to by Maniram in
his representation as highly exaggerated. To him Maniram
was an “untrustworthy and intriguing person” whose real
motive was “to get the country restored to Rajah Poorandar
Singhu’s descendant ”. 23 The object of the Sadar Judge was
not the withdrawal but consolidation of the British rule in
Assam. The people in general, too, Mills believed, then living
in comparative ease and security, had not the least desire to
be placed under their former Rajas. He therefore suggested
to the government of India to inform the young prince once
for all not to entertain any hope of restoration in future . 24

Disappointed in his attempt to convince Mills of the
justice and propriety of his case, Maniram determined to plead

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid , see Report on Sibsagar, para 67.

24 Ibid.

Conspiracy at Jorhat

69

personally before the authorities in Calcutta on behalf of prince
Kanclarpeswar Singha. 25 He arrived there in early 1857 and
made through his friends several futile attempts to represent
the case before the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal. About
this time there occurred the upsurge of the sepoys at Merrut,
Lucknow and Kanpur ; and Bahadur Shah, the last of the
Moghuls, was proclaimed by the rebels the Emperor of
Hindustan in Delhi. He could also take the lead, thought
Maniram, in organising a similar uprising against the British
with the ultimate object of restoring Ahom rule in Assam.
What he could not achieve by prayers and entreaties,
Maniram resolved to accomplish by sword and sword alone.
Through his letters, couched in the most seditious terms
Maniram goaded Kandarpeswar Singha to unfurl the standard
of revolt with the aid of the local sepoys and through his
friend Madliu Mallick, a Bengalee muktear* he prepared the
ground for the insurrection. Captain Holroyd, the Principal
Assistant, Sibsagar, reported 25 :

k The young Rajah was advised by Mmkloo Mullick . . . who

had been sent up by Munniram from Calcutta, to assemble certain
of Booroahs and Phookans around Joorhat and acquaint them the;
contents of Munniram’s letter. This was done accordingly, and
at this consultation it was determined to send Moliesh Chandra
alias Pealie, one of their members to Seebsagar to ascertain thd
feelings of Dootiram Fouzdarie Sheristadar , the* Vance Phookan and
others.

In accordance with the foregoing resolution, Mohesh Chandra
ulias Pealie proceeded to Seebsagar with a letter from the Saring
Rajah to Dootiram Sherishtadar and having tarried there about a
week had interviews with the Sherishtadar and then returned to
loorhat bearing a letter to the Saving Rajah from the said
Sheristadar together with a message^ of encouragement, stating that
he ( the Sheristadar ) would shortly send his eldest son Preolall
( Sub-Inspector of Schools ) to Joorhat to communicate with him
( the Saring Rajah ) in person.

Preolall arrived at Joorhat in the month of Assar (June- July)
and in his interviews with the Soring Rajah stated his father's fecl-

55 Bardoloi, K., Gp.cit , Pp. 89 and 91.

* See Bhuyan, S. K„ Studies in the History of Assam , Pp. 167-72.

BJP., 1858 ; 29 July, No. 115, Holroyd, 28 June.

70

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS *. LATER PHASE

ings and desires, and urged him to act up to Munniram’s advice
... He also received gold from the Rajah for the furtherance it
would appear of his ( the Rajah's ) designs.

The task before Maniram was not an easy one. Until
August 1857 the sepoys of the Assam Light Infantry Batta-
lions, both at Dibrugarh and Gauhati, remained absolutely
passive and strictly loyal. 27 The heterogenous nature of the
regiments consisting as these did of the Nepalese, the Manipuris,
the Rabhas, the Jorrowas, and the Doaneahs combined with
the settled and peaceful life enjoyed by them made even the
upcountry sepoys rather indifferent to the occurrences of
Northern India. The situation, however, altered with the
defection of Kunwar Singh of Jagadishpur and the Mutiny
of the Danapur regiments in Bihar when there occurred a
spirit of restlessness among the sepoys of the Assam Light
Infantry. As the news trickled through visitors, fakirs , news-
papers and private letters of the murder of the Englishmen
and women in Northern India, the sepoys were led to believe
that their kinsmen had occupied the greater part of Hindustan,
that the English would soon quit Bengal and Assam too. 28
They were spurred into activity when there arrived at the
military lines of the detachment at Golaghat in the district
of Sibsagar two confidential agents supposed to have been
sent by Kandarpeswar Singha with tempting baits : “The
Raja would double the pay of the sepoys and give the native
officer’s pay like Jongie Paltan, if all the sepoys would join
and get him the country”. 29 Negotiations under similar terms
were carried on with the sardars of the sepoys at Sibsagar,
Dibrugarh and Saikhowa. Holroyd reported :

T At the end of the month of Assar or beginning of Sawan
Pealie was deputed to Golaghat with letters from the Saving Rajah
finally to arrange matters with the Native Officers and sepoys on
that command. When there, he visited other people also ot

27 BJP., 1857 ; 10 August, No. 817, Jenkins to Young, 25 June.

28 BJP., 1858 ; 28 June, No. 624, Minute by the Governor-General.

29 BJP., 1858 ; 14 January, No. 155, see deposition of Trilochan .
also 17 September, No. 482, Jenkins to Young, 29 August.

Intrigues with the Sepoys

71

influence in the vicinity, and arranged that the intended rising
should occur about the time of the Doorgah Poojah , when
Munniram stated he would arrive.

In the month of Assar , Noor Mahomed Jamdr., of the 1st
Assam Lt. Infy. came down from Deebrooghur to Joorhat on private
leave and had interviews with the Rajah regarding the assistance to
be afforded by the sepoys, and of the remuneration they were to
receive for placing him on the Gudclee,

In the month of Sawan ( July- August ) Roostum Singh Jamdr,
and two sepoys went to Joorhat, and having visited the Saring
Rajah by night conferred with him regarding the arrangement made
with Pealie at Golaghat.

In the month of Bhadra Debidutta Sunnah Mouzadar ( Brother
to Luckiedutta ) received gold from the Rajah for the collec tion of
Russud for the troops ; for a similar purpose gold was also distri-
buted to other parties. 30

To concert measures, meetings were frequently held and
every endeavour was made to enlist the sympathy and sup-
port of the Mussulmans who were reported to have many guns
in their possession.

During this month, of Assar and Sawan the Sating Rajah held
frequent meetings at Joorhat at which Pealie, Muddoo Mullick, the
Hensou Booroa and the Kumla Saringia Booroa took each an active
part ; among others who attended was the Mahommedan Bahadoor
Gaon Boora and Furmood, who exerted themselves to induce others
of their persuasion in the place to unite in the aid of the Rajat
designs. 3 1

To ensure success the Deity must also be invoked and
to that end

In the month of Sawan Luckiedutta Surmah brother to the Thakoor
of the Dewargaon Temple received gold from the Rajah for
the performance of Poojah in the temple . . . The Poojah was actu-
ally performed, and about this time* a list was made of the several

30 BJP., 1858; 29 July, No. 115; Holroyd 28 June.

31 Ibid., also AS., Letter issued to Government, vol. 21; see deposi-
tion of Munniram Shurmah, 30 October 1857.

Maniram Sarmah, the Gandhia Barua, who had free access to
Rajas household, deposed that Bahadur Gaoburah received eleven
tolas of gold from Kandarpeswar to make a feast to the Mussalmans of
Jorhat who were reported to have many guns in their possession.

72

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER JPHASE

Temples (and) Shastes ( Satras ) to which Ghee and oil was (sic) to
be distributed for a similar purpose having a similar object in view
to accomplish which, money was paid by order of the Saring
Rajah* 2

The Commissioner of Assam was roused from his torpor
when in the middle of August 1857 he received from Holroyd
the intelligence that several officers of the Assam Light
Infantry with the detachment at Golaghat had entered into
a conspiracy with the young prince Kandarpeswar offering
him the assistance of the regiment “to reinstate him on his
throne and maintain the country for him”. 33 To protect the
lives and properties of the Europeans there was not a single
European soldier at this juncture in the whole of the North-
East Frontier. A sudden and concerted move on the part of
both the regiments at Gauhati and Dibrugarh would have ren-
dered the position of the few European officers and planters in
Assam extremely precarious. Major Jenkins lost no time in
drawing attention of the Government of India to the serious-
ness of the situation and urging it to despatch as hurriedly
as possible, a European force “to save the province from the
revolution. 31 The Governor-General in Council was greatly
alarmed, but the paucity of troox^s on the simultaneous out-
break of sepoys in scattered areas rendered it difficult to send
reinforcement into Assam. To tide over the immediate crisis
a small European force of 104 sea-men, half of them raw
recruits, was despatched under Lieutenant Davis on board the
Haroonghatta on 11 September 1857. 35 In the meanwhile
Major Ilannay called back from the outlying detachments the
Rabhas, the Manipuris, the Nepalese and other non-Hindus-
tanees whom he could rely to guard the military lines at the
headquarters. 36 In Nowgong, Mr Morton, the Principal Assis-
tant, destroyed the bridges over the rivers Misa and Diju and

32 Ibid.

33 BJP., 1857 ; 17 September, No. 482 ; Jenkins, 29 August.

34 Ibid.

35 BJP., 1857; 1 October, No. 306.

36 Ibid., 17 September, No. 482 ; Ilennay, 20 August.

Plan of Operations 73

cut off communications with Jorhat lest the mutineers might
enter into the district from that direction. 37

The precautionary measures filled the mutineers with the
notion that the English were terribly afraid of their activities
and that they would quit at the earliest available opportunity.
It was in the air that a steamer was on the way and that the
Sahibs were preparing to depart. 38 To finalise the plan of
operations, on 29 August at about 9 p.m. at the quarters of
Shaikh Bhikan, the subedar of the detachment at Golaghat,
a meeting was held, the proceedings of which as narrated by
Keramat Ali, the native doctor who was reported to be an
cvc-witncss of the (went, were as follows 39 :

On arriving, I saw a number of men collected in Iront oF
Subedar s bouse ; in the* midst the' Suhedar Shaikh Bheekun,
Clumder Singh, the Janiadar of Police and Raintohul Singh, the
Koto Havildar , were seated in morahs ; the rest being on the ground
Jclladar (sic) Misser, Bhola Panday and Sewsahai Singh (one
after another ) addressed the gathering . . . Hear Brothers ! if you
are desirous of our own good and favour with the Rajah , >ou
will listen to what we say and do what we tell \ou without diaw-
ing back ; and whoever draws back or reveals anything shall be
killed ; and if he be a Mussulman, he will eat pig and il a Hindu
he will eat cow, this shall be the' cm sc on him ... The others
replied — what ! arc we not born of man that we should desert
the cause ? .... let us go, sound the bugle and each man taking

five Ghullali with him let us go this night to Jorhat ; first cut
Huronath Barooah s head off ; it is said that Raghoobcer Singh
Jamadar is there svith 20 sepoys and is loyal to the Government,
Wc can make him join us, if not we will kill him; we will (then)
go and put the Rajah on the throne ... we will go at once to
Sibsagar and first set fire to Holroyd sahib's house ... and kill all
the Europeans there ; wc will make the sepoys there join us and
take the magazine and treasury. We can leave some men there
to keep charge and go on with fhc rest to Debrooglmr, there set
fire to the houses and kill all the Europeans and take the* treasury
and the magazine and bring it to tin* Rajah.

; 7 Baruah, Gunabhiram, Anandaram Dhekial Vhukanar Jiban Charitra ,
Pp. 189-90.

08 BJP., 1858; 14 January, No. 159a, see deposition of Keramat Ali.
™ Ibid.

74

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

Unfortunately the sepoys could not arrive at an unani-
mous decision. Some wanted to march out immediately,
others desired to wait till the morning ; while a few not only
protested but left the meeting. 40 Immediately on receipt of
the proceedings of the mutineers, Major Hannay, the Com-
mandant of the First Assam Light Infantry, effected the appre-
hension of the subedar and the ring-leaders and removed them
to Dibrugarh. 41 On 9 September Holroyd with a detachment
under Captain Lowther arrested Kandarpeswar Singha, who
was immediately despatched to Calcutta and kept confined
as a state prisoner at Alipur. 42 This was followed by the arrest
of Maniram in Calcutta and his collaborators, both officials
and non-officials — Dutiram Baruah, Mayaram Nazir, Marangi-
khowa Gohain, Bahadur Gaoburah, Shaikh Farmud and
several others. 43

The Commissioner was happy to report on 9 October that
“there is no further cause for any apprehension of any out-
break in Assam”. 44 He was greatly disillusioned. Towards
the close of November 1857, the outbreak of the 34th
Native Infantry at Chittagong and the 73rd Dacca Regiment
altered the whole situation. It was feared that this might
be synchronous with the descent of the predatory tribes ;
“the setting in of dry season greatly facilitates the movement
of the sepoys, and is the time always selected by the savages
in the hills for carrying out their warlike expeditions”. The
European settlers in Upper Assam, the tea-planters in parti-
cular, felt that their lives and properties continued to be
insecure. D. C. Mackey, the Chairman of the Assam Com-
pany, represented ; “we are entering upon a more dangerous
period on that frontier than has been since the commence-
ment of the outbreak, and it seems evident that the small

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid .

42 BJP., 1857 ; 22 October, No. 228 ; Young to Superintendent,
Alipur Jail, 30 September.

43 BJP., 1858 ; 14 January, No. 159 Holroyd, 26 November, 1857.

44 BJP., 1857 ; 29 October, No. 326.

Trial and Punishment of the Rebels

75

force of half-trained seamen already sent up are inadequate
to secure the safety of the province”. 45 To save the province
from the threat of imminent danger, the Chairman urged on
the Government of India to despatch a European force “in
the most expeditious way possible”. Fortunately, the Dacca
mutineers on their northward march after crossing the
Brahmaputra destroyed the thana of Karaibari and carried
off the jamadar and the burkandazes attached to it ; but they
made no attempt to effect a combination with the Chittagong
sepoys who entered into the district of Sylhet with the object
of joining in Cachar Narendrajit, the pretender to the Manipur
throne, and his followers. After their initial successes at a
place known as Latu, the mutineers were closely followed and
repeatedly attacked by the Sylhet Light Infantry under
Lieutenant Ross until they were reduced to a few who escaped
death or apprehension. 40 The Government of India was
relieved of the necessity of sending additional troops to the
frontier.

At Dibrugarh, the mutinous sepoys were put before a
Court Martial ; and almost all of them were transported for
life ; some had to suffer long term imprisonment, and the sepoys
of the detachment at Golaghat were discharged from duty. 47
Through the aid of Haranath Baruah, the S adar daroga, Holroyd
succeeded in procuring a mass of evidence against Maniram
and his collaborators. Vested with the powers of a Commis-
sioner under Act XIV of 1857, the Principal Assistant com-
menced trial of the rebels including Maniram who had then
been brought from Calcutta. The Dewan and Peali, both of
them being convicted of treason were publicly hanged on 26
February 1858. 48 Madhu Mallick, Kamala Baruah, Dutiram

45 BJP., 1857 ; 29 November, No. 218a ; Mackey to Beadon, 24
October.

lG Buckland, C.E., Bengal under Lieutenant Governors, see Minute by
F. G. Halliday on 30 September.

47 BJP., 1858 ; 14 January, No. 159a ; AS., Letters received bom
Miscellaneous Quarters, Vol. 27, vol. 27, (1858) Nos. 5 and J19

48 Ibid., 24 June, No. 619 ; see statement of cases tried under Act
XIV of 1857.

76

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

Bamah, Marangikhowa Gohain, Trinayan, Mayaram Nazir, on
charges of complicity of the plot or aiding and abetting it,
received transportation of life. Bahadur g aoburah and Farmud
Ali “on charge of seducing the Mussalmans at Jorhat” had
also to leave for the Andamans with confiscation of property. 49

The trial of Maniram and his associates has been sub-
jected to severe criticisms. “Captain Holroyd and Haranath
Parbatia Baruah, the daroga of Sibsagar, went to extremes in
their vendetta against all probable sympathisers of the plot”. 50
Most of the rebels were tried rather hurriedly on evidences,
some of which were collected in all probability by pressure or
persuasion. Captain Holroyd who was not on good terms
with Maniram had acted as “both Prosecutor and Judge”, and
neither Maniram nor any other prisoner was ever given the
chance of self-defence. When these high handed and irregular
proceedings reached the Government of Bengal, the special
Commission given to Holroyd was withdrawn in August
1858/ 1 In consideration of his age, inexperience and die fact
that he was not “a voluntary agent” Kandarpeswar was not
brought to trial ; he was kept as an internee at Burdwan until
December I860 ; after which he was allowed to settle as a
pensioner at Gauhati where he died in 1880. 52

Thus ended the endeavours made by Maniram to over-
throw the British Government in Assam. This was partly due
to his inability to organise a united front of the nobility against
the common enemy namely the English. Not the daroga
Haranath alone, but a substantial section of the men of rank
who continued to be indifferent aided the local authorities in
bringing the rebels to book out of fear or from hopes of per-
sonal gain to be obtained in the hands of the British.

10 Ibid., also 23 December, Nos. 43-50.

Bardoloi, K, Op.cit., p. 104.

■*° Dutta, K. N. Landmarks of the Freedom Straggle in Assam, p. 19.

51 Ibid.

jJ AS., File No. 299; Secretary, Government of Bengal to the
•Secretary, Government of India, 21 March 1863; see petition of
Kandarpeswar Singha, 23 September 1879; resolution of the Govern-
ment of India (Political) 8 January 1873.

Revolt of the Khamtis

77

Maniram also had failed to realise that his was a lost cause —
that the rmasses in general were losing faith in a monarchy that
had discredited itself by its oppression, misrule and betrayal
at the hour of the worst peril; that in spite of their faults
and failures the British had provided the common-man all
that he wanted — the security of life and property.

In the meantime extension of British revenue and police
jurisdiction and the operation of the European speculators
beyond the border areas could not but produce ill-feeling and
resentment among the tribesmen to whom "no motive was
strong as the preservation of their rights on lands and forests
whether old or newly acquired”. The Khamli chiefs were
allowed after the removal of the S aditja KIwica the manage-
ment of their respective affairs ; but the Assamese inhabitants,
both in Sadiya and Saikhowa, were brought under direct con-
trol of Lieutenant Charlton, the newly-appointed officer in-
cliarge, Sadiya . 53 The latter was not only to exercise magis-
terial duties with the aid of a pancluiyat but was authorised
to levy capitation taxes varying from annas eight to a rupee . 51
Even under the Ahom Rajas the Sadiya Khoica used to collect
some revenue in cash or kind in and around Sadiya ; but
during the period of civil war and invasions the Khamtis over-
threw the authority of the Ahom viceroy and reduced the
position of the Assamese to slaves. When this act of usurpa-
tion after the lapse of half a century became an established
right, the Khamtis considered the recent measures as a
grievance, for these deprived them of the services of those on
whom their very livelihood depended. Another irritant was,
that in the interest of the European planters, the waste lands
which were hitherto under the jurisdiction of the Khamti chiefs
were declared now the property of the government. The very
presence of the officer in charge of Sadiya and his active inter-
ference in their internal affairs inevitably produced in the
minds of the Khamtis great dissatisfaction and resentment.

53 BPC., 1835 ; 13 March, Nos. 2-3 ; White to Charlton, 1 February.
64 Ibid .

78

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

The annexation of Upper Assam and the growing insecurity
of the frontier demanded the removal of the headquarters of
the Assam Light Infantry to Sadiya. 55 This was construed by
the Khamtis as preparations to bring them under effective con-
trol of the government or to drive them out of Assam. Hardly
had Major White, the Commandant of the Assam Light
Infantry, removed a part of the regiment to Sadiya when on
28 January 1839 the Khamtis, numbering about six hundred,
armed with daos , spears and muskets attacked the cantonment,
seized the magazine and set fire to the military lines killing
everyone on the way — men, women and children. After a
feeble resistance Major White also fell into the hands of the
assassins. 50

To subvert the British Government this was considered to
be “the boldest attempt yet made in the eastern frontier'. 57
Apart from the Khamtis, it was generally believed, the
Singplios, the Muttocks and even the Court of Ava had a
secret hand in the insurrection. The seriousness of the situ-
ation had been eloquently expressed by W. W. Bird, a member
of the Governor-General's Council :

Then; is little doubt that hail the attack been successful, Upper
Assam would have been in the utmost danger of being lost . . . The
loss of tli(' province or even any serious impression made upon
our forces in that quarter would be attended with consequence, the
extent of which it is not easy to lorsee. Not only would the whole
of the tea-cultivation, now of more importance than ever be swept
away, but it would open a road into the heart of our most valuable
province to a host of enemies. 58

The Khamtis were soon repulsed and Lieutenant Marshall
who followed them up succeeded in killing Ranua Gohain, one
of the rebel chiefs, and over a hundred on the spot. Captain
Hannay, temporarily vested with the command of the regi-
ment, raided the Khamti villages, burnt their granaries and

55 IPC., 1838; 17 October, No. 161 ; Jenkins to White, 5 September.

56 IPC., 1839 ; 20 February, Nos. 105-10 ; 27 February, Nos. 159-62.

57 Ibid., Jenkins to Prinsep, 4 February.

58 Ibid., 5 June, No. 84, see Minute by W. W. Bird, 22 May.

Insurrection of the S ingphos

79

adopted vigorous measures to apprehend the ring leaders. 6 *
To ensure security of the frontier, the cantonment was re-
moved to Sailchowa on this side of the river and then to
Sibsagar which commanded the route to Ava. To relieve the
Assam Light Infantry from outpost duties a new levy the
Second sebundy was raised with headquarters at Jaypur.
Doubtful fidelity of the Singphos made it necessary to raise
up stockades at Delli, Tazee, Koojoo and Ningroo, and also
lines of communication from Saikhowa to Jaypur and thencd
to Ningroo so as to complete the line of defence. 00

While these measures for security of the frontier were in
progress, on 10 January 1843 the Singphos made a simultane-
ous attack at Beesa and Ningroo. The rebels were beaten
off at the latter outpost, but the detachment at Beesa surren-
dered after two days when their ammunitions ran short ; both
the jamadar and the havildar , were tied up in a tree and
hacked to pieces and most of the sepoys were sold out as
slaves. 61 The stockade at Koojoo was also besieged, but it
was saved by the timely arrival of a party of sepoys under
Lieutenant Lockett. All the Singpho chiefs, including the
Beesa and Ningroola who had hitherto been loyal to the
government, were involved in the outbreak ; the acknowled-
ged leader was however Serro-la-ten, the would be successor
of the Beesa gaum . Feeling himself insecure, the Beesa
surrendered and Ningroola followed suit. 62 On being repulsed,
several chiefs took up their position near Ningroo wherefrom
they were dislodged by a party of sepoys under Lieutenant
Reid, the Commandant of the Local Artillery, Dibrugarh.
Captain Vetch who had arrived in the meantime at Beesa to
concert measures with Lieutenants Lockett and Reynold suc-
ceeded in driving the enemy from their stockaded position at

59 Ibid., 2 March, No. 75 ; 13 March, No. 70.

00 1839 ; 16 August, No. 65.

61 FC., 1843, 1 February, Nos. 94-100.

For furthere study see Barpujari, H. K., Problem of the Hill Tribes ,
North-East Frontier, ii. Chap. I.

62 Ibid., Vetch to Jenkins, 13 January.

80

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

Beesa and Kerempani. Thereafter, the enemy could offer but
little resistance, and most of them beat a hasty retreat aban-
doning their stocks and slaves. 63

The sudden and simultaneous attack on the two frontier
outposts followed by a report that Saikhowa was also threat-
ened by a body of the Khamtis led Jenkins to believe that
there was well organised plan of aggression in which the
Tipam Raja ,* then Governor of Maugaung, might also have a
secret hand. In fact, since 1837, this scion of the Ahom Royal
family had been claiming Upper Assam on the strength of
his right as an heir-apparent to king Jogeswar Singha (1821).
Through his agents, the pretender made it known to his rela-
tives in Upper Assam that he was determined to recover his
territory by force if it was not voluntarily made over to him
by the British. So general was the feeling of an invasion of
Assam by the Tipam Raja that many people for fear of a
change in government attempted to placate his kith and kin
by offer of presents or otherwise. 61 This finds corroboration
in a letter which Serro-la-ten and other gaums addressed to
the local authorities. 65 :

This land is ours and Vetch Sahib has taken it from us. For-
merly Scott Sahib and Neufville Sahib gave to the Tengi Meyo
( as the Singphos were called ) from Dehingmookh, from
Nam sangi nookh from Tipam Hill and in consequence of Vetch
Sahib having taken it away we have made war and on that account
wc have fought also. Vetch Sahib has seized and carried oil our
Singphos. Further we have received orders from the Tipam Rajah
to make war ....

Evidently apart from the order of the Tipam Raja,
the gaums traced the origin of the outbreak to two

Ibid., 22 February, No. 162 ; 3 May, Nos. 76-7.

* The Tipam Raja alias Bishwanath Singha accompanied his sister
Heino Aidco whom the ex-raja Chandra Kanta (1810-8) offered as a
present to the king of Ava, and the latter, as reported by Vetch, made
the Tipam Raja the governor of a part of the province of Maugaung.

04 FC., 1843; 12 August, Nos. 102-5; Vetch 6 May; 23 March
1S44 ; No. 89 ; also AS., letter issued to Government, vol. 7, 31 May
1838; No. 65, Bhuyan, S.K. (ed.) ; Tungkhungia Buranji Pp. 207 and 219.

65 FC., 1843 ; 12 August, Nos. 90-1 ; Vetch, 20 April.

Complicity of the Tipam Raja

81

primary causes — the resumption of Singpho land and the
seizure and confinement of the Singphos. In his letter to the
Commissioner, the Beesa also wrote :

... with respect to lands, these from Natnsangmookh, Noa-
Dehing Mookh and to the Patkai, Galling Hills (?) arc the Singpho
lands ; hut you of the Company have forgotten what was said
(sic) to Scott S ahih, and Neufville Sahib , and after this the Major
(White) Sahib said, that the land is ours.

... now it is said that where the tea grows, that is yours but
when we made sacrifice we require tea tor our funerals ; we there-
fore perceive that you have taken all the country and if we, the
old and respectable can't get tea to drink, we are not well
satisfied. 06

Captain Vetch could not dismiss the claims made by the
chiefs as entirely baseless, but Jenkins categorically denied
the charges levelled by Serrola and others that the Singphos
had been deprived of their lands, particularly of the Beesa
whom neither the British nor the former government ever
acknowledged entitled to any land. What Beesa wanted, the
Commissioner felt, was not an estate but an independent terri-
tory which he intended to be a part of the scheme of the
Tipam Raja. To him the principal cause of the general dis-
content must be traced to the desertion of the slaves ; without
it other causes would not have driven the Singphos to
revolt . 07

In regard to the complicity of the Tipam Raja , Jenkins
held the view that the Raja "connived at and encouraged”, the
Singphos to keep the frontier disturbed with a view to taking
advantage of any extension of the rebellion to Assam and in
the meantime to ascertaining the reaction of the higher classes
to his claim to the throne. In spite of the protest which the
Tipam Raja subsequently made in a letter to the Political
Agent, the deposition made by several witnesses strengthened
the belief that he had a secret hand in the outbreak. This
is borne out by the fact that he had conferred on Serro-la-ten
marks of distinction — a horse, a golden umbrella and five

66 Ibid.

67 Ibid., Jenkins, 31 May.

6

82

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS I LATER PHASE

seers of silver — when he crossed the frontier with the body of
troops ; and that he sent to the Beesa gaum three seers of
needle, half of these broken, which the chief distributed
amongst his followers and this, according to the custom of the
Singphos, was the signal for war. 08 Jenkins was right in his
assertion that the desertion of slaves was one of the important,
though not the sole, cause of the insurrection. To the Singphos
the slaves constituted their most valuable property ; on these
they depended primarily for their agricultural labour. While
the chance of raiding Assamese villages and carrying off their
inhabitants became increasingly difficult, the extension of tea-
gardens and the establishment of frontier guards encouraged
slaves in larger number to leave their masters. The location
of military posts in and around their villages though carried
out with the concurrence of the chiefs produced irritation and
discontentment ; for they found themselves reduced and sub-
jected in a great measure to the government of a jamadar or
havildar. Above all, the subjugation of the Singphos to the
court of the Principal Assistant could not but be offensive to
the simple-minded hillmen whose notion of crime and justice
was different from that of those who tried them. No wonder,
therefore, the gaums saw in the extension of British power
their common ruin, and therefore they determined to call a
halt to it before it was too late.

On the alleged guilt of Rajcndra Singh, it may be remem-
bered, in 1835 the territory of Jayantia was incorporated into
the British dominion. It was not so much the annexation as the
conduct of the local authorities that strained the relations of
the Syntengs, as the Jayantias were called, with the British
government. Not only did the Political Agent assume charge
of the territory, but he seized personal effects of the chief not
sparing even his cooking pots. 09 From his asylum at Sylhet,
in vain the Raja poured in representations for a reconsideration
of his case and restoration of his territory. Notwithstanding

68 Ibid., also No. 105 ; Vetch, 6 May.

fi9 Selection of Records Government of Bengal, Vol. VII, Haughton
to the Secretary, Government of Bengal, 3 May 1863.

Jayantia Rebellion

S3

this, on the outbreak of the Sepoys in 1857, the ex-raja volun-
teered his services with a contingent of 2500, but this was
summarily turned down and the chief was kept under res-
traint lest he might carry on intrigues with the anti-British
elements in the hills. 70

Allegations of “lawless proceedings” and "corrupt prac-
tices” of the dolois were made who were entrusted with the
administration of civil and criminal justice within their res-
pective elakas subject to the authority of the Political Agent. 71
To enquire into the anomalies, in 1854 A. J. M. Mills, tho
Satlar Judge, visited the district ; and on his recommendations
a military guard was posted at Jowai. The Syntengs were,
hitherto totally exempted from taxation. “We have acted
unwisely and inequitably”, thought Mills, "when in the neigh-
bouring hills house-tax was paid”. Sharing in this view, in
1858 W. J. Allen in his Report on the Administration of the
Cosseyah and Jynteali Hill Territory also recommended a
moderate house-tax. 72 To make the authority of the paramount
power “a real one” in 1860 a house-tax was introduced. Tho
Syntengs stoutly opposed the innovation, expelled the tax
collector and even resorted to armed resistance. The timely
arrival of a regiment from Chcrra brought the situation under
control, but the attitude of the Syntengs continued to be hos-
tile. To strengthen the security measures, the civil authorities
were empowered to dismiss the dolois and sardurs in cases
of acts of insubordination, and the police officers were autho-
rised to take cognisance of complaints brought against the
heads of villages. When in the following year Income-tax
was introduced, as elsewhere, the hillrnen believed that the
English were determined to stay and fleece them. On 17
January 1862, the Syntengs numbbring about six hundred
made a surprise attack on the military outpost of Jowai, burnt

' 0 FC., 1857 ; 13 November, Nos. 138-42 ; Baja of Jay anti, 16

September.

71 J3JP., 1862; October No. 98; Morton, 9 July.

72 Ibid., also Allen, W.J., Report on the Administration of the
Cosseyah and Jynteah Hill Territory, 1858.

84

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS I LATER PHASE

down the Christian settlement and thereafter stockaded their
villages in the neighbourhood. 73 E. A. Rowlatt, the Deputy
Commissioner, with a body of troops marched against the
insurgents, occupied several villages, destroyed the stockades
and burnt the granaries, but the ‘leaders of the insurrection
in the east remained as violent as ever”. 74

J. C. Haughton, the officiating Agent, who later made an
enquiry into the causes of the outbreak, severely commented
on the imposition of the Income-tax as “unwise and inexpedi-
ent” on a people who could furnish no accurate account of
their income ; “the tax practically became one on property
not on income and it was exacted from many who should
have been exempted in the spirit of the Section 130 of the
Income-Tax Act”. 75 In the meantime “imposts of one sort
or another were in fact appearing like mushrooms”. In I860,
Judicial Stamps were introduced, followed by taxation on
fisheries. In the same year the right to cut timber was sold
out to the highest bidder preventing the villagers, thereby, of
cutting timber, fuel, thatch, etc.— a privilege which they enjoyed
so long. 70 The situation was aggravated by the introduction
of a number of ill-conceived and unpopular measures. Soon
after the outbreak in 1860, the overzealous Deputy Commis-
sioner confiscated the swords and shields of the inhabitants,
which they frequently needed for self defence as well as at
their pujas or religious ceremonies. He wounded their senti-
ments all the more when the swords were broken up and their
shields burnt in their presenee. 77 In fact, the immediate cause
of the outbreak was the interference in a puja at Jalong in the
neighbourhood of Jowai by the police dciroga who on receipt
of information that a large quantity of swords and spears had
been collected on the occasion, went up and forced, as alleged,
the votaries to speak out, an act not permissible on such

73 Op.cit Rowlatt, 0 April 1862 ; Showers, 15 April.

74 Ibid ., Dunsford to Showers, 15 March 1862.

75 Ibid., Ilaughton to Eden, 3 July.

70 Ibid .

77 Ibid.

Jayantia Rebellion

85

solemn occasions. "Their former grievances” in the words of
a contemporary, "were as heaps of powder in all directions,
and the daroga there applied the torch to them and set the
whole country in a blaze ”. 78

Rowlatt suspected that the ex-raja was instrumental in
fomenting the rebellion. The fact that a section of the
Syntengs represented that if they were to be taxed it should
be through their own chief and the outbreak followed soon
after the petition was turned down proved to some extent
the complicity of the chief. But there is hardly any doubt
that the dolois and sardars , who had hitherto exerted consi-
derable influence in the state could hardly reconcile them-
selves to the rule of the English who had deprived them of
the power and privileges which they enjoyed from early times.
The crown (raj) lands which they held as rent-free, it was
rumoured, would be brought under assessment . 79 They found
their position greatly lowered by the presence in their midst
of a daroga with whom the aggrieved invariably lodged their
complaint. Above all they were now placed entirely at the
mercy of officials of the court without whose support they
could not expect to hold office even though elected by the
people. Without the expulsion of the English, they felt, there
was no future for them. The dolois and sardars thus took
the Initiative in the movement with the ultimate object of
driving the dykhai (foreigners) from the hills. Brisk prepara-
tions were made for the war of liberation by collecting men,
erecting stockades, storing up grains and sending emissaries
for aid even to Burma . 80

Considering the situation rather grave the Government of
India placed Brigadier-General Showers of the Eastern Co-
mand in Civil and Military Administration of the hills . 81 For
his "injudicious proceedings”, Rowlatt was suspended and

78 Ibid., see Jones, T., A few Hints on the origin and causes of the
Jtjntia rebellion .

79 Ibid., also Allen, W. J., Op.cit paras 244 and 266.

80 Ibid .

81 Ibid,, Grey to Lushington, 28 March 1862.

ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS : LATER PHASE

transferred. 82 The outbreak had already extended over the
whole of the district. Showers issued a proclamation granting
amnesty to all those who laid down arms with the exception
of the ring leaders and those guilty of gross acts of aggression.
A reward of rupees one thousand was offered for the apprehen-
sion of Ookiang Nongbah, the “principal instigator”, of the
outbreak. Columns of troops were sent out to different areas
where the rebels were supposed to have removed their fami-
lies and stores. 83 The prompt and vigorous measures resulted
in the surrender of several chiefs ; and inhabitants of Shillong,
Muntang, Jowai, Latoobor, Lakadong and Nongtaong had
returned to their villages and resumed respective occupations.
Showers was relieved to report on 22 May 1862 that active
operation were at an end and open opposition of the rebels
had ceased. 8 *

The hard core of the rebels, however, remained unsub-
dued. They showed little inclination to come to terms ; on the
contrary they let no opportunty slip to ambuscade parties of
troops and travellers when they could do so with impunity.
Notwithstanding the endeavours that were made by the local
authorities and through the friendly chiefs to induce the ring
leaders to come to terms, the latter remained unbending as
ever and in fact openly demanded complete independence. 85
In a durbar held at the village Mooboklion attended by several
hundred rebels, Ookiang Nongbah announced in unambiguous
terms that there would be no compromise with the English
unless they were exempted from taxation, their Raja was
restored, troops and police were withdrawn from the hills,
that they would fight as long as they could and in the event
of their being unsuccessful they would quit the hills. 80

t

82 BJP., 1863 ; Nos. 153-5.

Rowlatt made himself a byword of reproach to the people by the
manner in winch he disarmed the people by burning their shields in
their presence 4 and acquiring thereby the nickname “shield-breaker'*.

83 Ibid., Showers, 15 April and 22 May 1862.

81 Ibid. ; Showers, 31 May.

85 BJP., 1862 ; October, No. 67 ; Morton, 19 June and 20 September.

86 Ibid., Eden to Morton, 9 October ; see statement of Ramsingb,

Jayantia Rebellion

87

The prospect of a settlement being extremely remote.
General Showers under direction of the Government of Bengal
renewed the operations. The 29th Native Infantry then at
Gauhati was ordered to advance into the hills and the detach-
ments of the 44th Native Infantry in Cachar and Sylhet were
also called in. On the arrival of troops, pickets were posted
to guard the foothills and to meeting the parties in arms and
those in concealment for maintaining a desultory warfare. 87
On 27 November, Lieutenant Saddler of the 28th Native
Infantry aided by Oollung Sallong, a native of Nurtung, effec-
ted the seizure of Nongbah at Ompara, 25 miles off Nurtung.
He was tried, found guilty of rebellion and was publicly
hanged on 30 December 1862. The Syntengs, offered gallant
resistance at the stockades of Oomki, Oomkrong and
Nongbarai ; but against fire of British troops their resistance
broke down. 88 The stockades fell within a week and the
rebels were hunted out in their hideouts. This was followed
by the surrender of Sathpunji, Sarthiang and other villages
in the north and south-east. Of the remaining ring leaders,
several were killed, some surrendred while a few continued
to be at large, but they were too powerless to act against the
British troops. 80 The endeavours made by the Syntengs, too,
ended in failure and the district was brought, thereafter, under
the effective control of a European functionary with head-
quarters at Jowai.

Raja of Chcrra also Barpujari, H.K., Problem of the Hills Tribes : Noith
East Frontier , «, Appendix-C.

87 Ibid., Eden to the Secretary, Government of India, 25 November
1862 ; also to the officiating Commissioner, Assam, 18 November.

88 BJP. ; 1863; January, Nos. 419, 424 and 427; Dunsford to
Showers, 30 December, 1862.

»»Ibid. f also BJP., 1863, April, Nos. 457 and 460.

CHAPTER SIX

Agrarian Revolts

The uprisings of 1857 had imposed severe financial strain
on the British Indian Government. The deficit in budget in
1858-9 exceeded fourteen million pounds sterling and the
public debt shot up to over seventy millions.* The primary
concern of the financial advisers of the Government of India
for the years following the Mutiny was how to restore order
in public accounts or to balance the income and the expendi-
ture. On the advice of James Wilson, in 1860 Income-tax
was introduced and this was extended in the following year
to the province of Assam. The prospect of obtaining addi-
tional allocations becoming extremely bleak, the local autho-
rities in Assam directed their attention to tapping new sources
of revenue to meet their increasing expenditure. Despite
prohibitory orders of the Court, on the plea of discouraging
litigation, stamp duties were introduced in 1858. Excise duties
were levied at the sadar stations in Kamrup, Darrang and
Nowgong, but not extended to tribal areas on the ground that
‘‘establishment required for the purpose would swallow up
all the profit”. 1 Already washing of gold was farmed out and
the jalkar or right to fish in the rivers and beels was offered
to the highest bidder. Taxes for cutting timber ( g orkhati ),
reeds ( bunker ), and grazing tax ( khusary ) became common. 2

Excessive use of opium, it was generally believed, had
converted the Assamese, "once a hardy, industrious (and) enter-

* Banerjca, P. N., Indian Finance in the Days of the Company ,
Pp. 110 and 116. In 1858-9 the amount of deficit stood at
£ 14,187,000 and the total debt £ 69,473,484. No less than an amount
of £46 millions was added by the Mutiny.

1 Mills, A.J.M., Report on Assam , p. 24.

2 Ibid., see District of Kamrup, para 20.

Multiplication of Taxes

89

prising race, into an effiminate, weak, indolent and degraded
people”. 3 The increase in the cultivation of poppy, out of
the juice of which opium was produced, adversely affected
the revenues of the government ; the bari and chapari lands,
in which the crop was generally cultivated was assessed at a
lower rate. 4 After lengthy correspondence between the S adar
Board and the local authorities in 1851-2 abkari opium was
introduced into Assam. It was vainly hoped, that “when the
ryots will have to pay dearly for the drug they will restrict
its immoderate use” ; for the inveterate consumer will seldom
consider himself too poor to purchase it as long as he could
have supplies of it. 5 This was welcomed by the planters
as this would force the opium-eaters to work in their gardens ;
for without it they could not have the drug so essential to
them. To make them dependent entirely on government
opium, in 1861 cultivation of poppy was totally banned.
Already hard hit by the increase in taxation on land, the pro-
hibitory order on opium cultivation shattered the domestic
economy of the tribal areas where per capita consumption
of opium was stated to be highest in the province.

The multiplication of taxes could not but be a matter of
serious concern to the agricultural ryots. In the district of
Nowgong rumours were afloat that the government was con-
templating imposition of taxes on their houses, baries,

3 Ibid., see Dliekial Phukan, Observations on the Administration
of the Province of Assam. Appendix , J. p. XLIV.

4 BRC., 1840 : 12 May, Nos. 65-7.

In December 1839, Jenkins proposed to raise the tax on land under
poppy, but the measure did not receive the approval of the Government
of Bengal on the refusal of the Board of Revenue to interfere with
the cultivation of land or any restriction on the choice of crops.

5 Selection of Records, Government of Bengal, XXXVII, Pp. 37-8.
in fact, after introduction of Government opium, there was a steady
increase in the consumption of opium as will be seen from the following
statistics :

District 1852-3 1858-9

Darrang 13 Mds. 3 srs. 28 Mds. 18 srs.

Lakhimpur 38 " 22 ” 69 " 13 ”

Sibsagar 52 ” 5 ” 87 ” 0 "

90

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

(gardens) and pan (betel-leaf) cultivation. 0 Although the official
circles dismissed these as "unfounded”, the people learnt that
much correspondence was going on between the S adar Board
and the district officials on the subject and that Lieutenant
Herbert Sconce, the Deputy Commissioner, stood against the
measure. 7 About this time the introduction of the License
tax confirmed the belief of the villagers, particularly of the
tribals at Phulaguri, seven miles from Nowgong, that before
long their pan and betel-nut would be subjected to
taxation. 8

On 17 September 1861, in order to represent their
grievances personally, about one thousand ryots gathered at
the Saclar Court and some of them reportedly to have forced
their way into the room where the Deputy Commissioner was
transacting his business. Instead of allaying their fear and
suspicion by explaining the actual motive of the government.
Sconce fined and ordered the trespassers to be detained in
the thana for their "riotous and disorderly conduct”. 9
Through the intervention of a man of influence the party was
released the same evening and nothing untoward happened.
In a subsequent representation to the Deputy Commissioner
on 9 October, the gaoburahs and leading ryots made a
formal protest against the prohibition of poppy cultivation
and the proposed taxes on their houses, gardens and pan. 11
The explanation given by Sconce to satisfy the ryots bore no
fruit. "To go to the cutcherry . . . and hope to bring . . .
grievances to the ears of the Hozoor ”, they were convinced
"was out of (the) question”. 11 They determined not to pay
the taxes and to devise ways and means to bring their
grievances to the notice of the authorities. They proposed

0 1IPB., 1862 ; 13 June, Nos. 83-7 ; Hopkinson to Secretary,
Government of Bengal, 30 November 18(31.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid., also Sconce to Hopkinson, 25 November 1861.

0 Ibid.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid , Lusliington to Agnew, 31 May 1862.

Phulaguri Uprisings

91

to convene a meeting of the mel or assembly of the people
which had so long decided matters of their common interest.
The meeting was scheduled to be held at Phulaguri on 15
October for five days at a stretch so as to enable the ryots
of the remotest villages to take part in its deliberations.

On receipt of the intelligence that a large number of
ryots were preparing to meet at Phulaguri on 14 October,
Sconce sent a police daroga with orders to disperse the
assembly and arrest the ring leaders. On the 15th, the police
party arrived at the place of meeting and ordered the leaders
to disperse ; but the latter defied, retorting that they were
in a meeting to discuss matters of their common interest. 12
Pitted against a crowd of over one thousand, some armed with
clubs ( lathies ), the police retired and reported to the Deputy
Commissioner the proceedings of the mel. The police officer
who was despatched on the following day also utterly failed
to disperse the “unlawful assembly”. On the 17tli the
daroga arrested some of the leaders, but the mob overpowered
him and succeeded in releasing the arrested leaders. The
Deputy Commissioner was told that unless stringent measures
were taken to drive the crowd no one would be able to do
anything without the risk of one’s life. 1 *

Considering the situation rather serious, on the 18th
Lieutenant Singer, the Assistant Commissioner, under direc-
tion of the Deputy Commissioner accompanied by a police
party arrived at Phulaguri and found therein a gathering of
over three thousand, many armed with lathies. 11 After parleys
with some leaders Singer ordered the assembled ryots to
Lay down their arms and disperse. Some of them promptly
obeyed, the majority heeded not, and acted contumaciously.
Not only did Singer order the police to forcibly disarm the
rebels but foolishly attempted to seize himseslf the lathies in
their possession. A scuffle ensued and cries were raised

12 Ibid.

13 Ibid .

14 Ibid.

92

AGRARIAN REVOLTS '

dhuro dhuro, maro maro (seize, seize, kill kill) ; and in the
midst of this a blow from behind struck Singer down to the
ground ; and the police party, being greatly alarmed took
to their heels. Singer was beaten to death and his body was
thrown into the river Kalang. 15

At Nowgong, the Deputy Commissioner had but twenty
five sepoys of the Assam Light Infantry. He felt his position
insecure when it was rumoured that the disaffected ryots would
soon arrive, burn down the station and loot the treasury.
Immediately on receipt of the news of the incident, he has-
tened a party of police under a havildar and sent an urgent
communique to the Deputy Commissioner, Darrang, calling
for reinforcement. 10 On the arrival of the police party at
Phulaguri, in the early hours on the 19th, a skirmish followed
in which with their bows and arrows the ryots could but
offer feeble resistance to the fire of the police and several of
them died and many were left wounded. Fortunately the
same evening, on his way to Dibrugarh Henry Hopkinson,
the Commissioner of Assam, arrived at Tezpur on board tho
Lucknow . He made immediate arrangement for despatch of
troops from Tezpur and himself arrived at Nowgong on 23rd
with a party of the Assam Light Infantry. 17 Emboldened
thus, the Deputy Commissioner visited Phulaguri, Neli,
Kaehuhat, Raha and several other places and effected the
arrest of forty one persons including sons of the “old Lalung

1 Ibid.

The Police mohurrer reported that under orders of Singer he
had bound up the hands of two men, and Singer himself had endea-
voured to seize the lathies of one Moira Singh. While both of them
were pulling the stick in opposite direction, the two men whose hands
were tied , asked their fcllowmen if they were going to desert them.
Hardly had the mob raised their sticks to reply in the negative, when one
Bahoo of the Koshigpur mouza felled down Singer to the ground by a
single blow r on the head. Of those concerned in the murder, the mohurrer
mentioned the names of Bahoo, Kati Lalung, Thomba Lalung, Jobo
Lalung, Katia Lalung, Mohi Koch and Koli Deka. See statement made
by Anadur Police mohurrer and Holludhur Baniah on 18 October 1861.

10 BJP., 1861 ; December No. 2, 103-4 ; Sconce to Phaire, 18 October.

1 7 HPB., 1862; 13 June, Nos. 83-7; Op.cit .

Phulaguri Uprisings

93

Rajas” alleged to have been implicated in the murder of
Singer . 18 But for the timely arrival of the military and police,
it was feared, the disturbance would have spread to other
quarters. “The beginning of a tumult” remarked Hopkinson,
the Commissioner of Assam “is like the letting out of water
if not stopped at first, it becomes difficult to do so
afterwards ”. 19

Hopkinson traced the origin of the outbreak to the impo-
sition of the Income-tax and to an “unfounded apprehension”
of the nature of taxation to be levied on pan , and to some
extent of the License tax . 20 This was treated as “sweeping
conclusions” by Sir Cecil Beadon, the Lieutenant Governor of
Bengal, who considered the meeting at Phulaguri leading to
Singers murder to be due entirely to local causes. lie was
convinced that if the ryots had been properly tackled by the
Deputy Commissioner “by personally meeting them and
attending to their grievances, they would have in all probabi-
lity peacefully dispersed and accepted the unavoidable finan-
cial measures of the Government ... in a spirit of loyal
acquiescence and submission to authority ” 21 His depu-

tation of the police and subsequently of an inexperienced
young officer with so small a force and without clear instruc-
tion to him not to resort to coercive measures was an act of
great imprudence. In conclusion, the Lieutenant Governor
was constrained to remark :

That the life of a young British officer has been sacrificed,
and that a number of ignorant and misguided people have been
condemned, some to death and others to long periods of impri-

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid., Sconce to Hopkinson, 25 November 1861.

20 Ibid .

“I do not think”, remarked Hopkinson, “that it is the amount levied'
from them ... not much the manner in which it has been collected,
but it is the principle on which, in their understanding it is based that
has so greatly alarmed them ; they regard it as an assumption of the
right of the dominant power to make inquisition into ... everyman’s
property, four per cent now, forty per cent hereafter perhaps

21 Ibid., Lushington to Agnew, 31 May 1862.

94

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

sonmcnt, justly indeed hut under circumstances which cannot fail
to make them the objects of sympathy to their fellow villagers and
of compassion to all. 22

The Phulaguri affair should not be glossed over as a mere
riot of local nature without any consequence whatever ; nor
should it be taken as a dhawa or regular battle as has been styled
by some writers. 21 It would also be far from the truth to say
that it was a movement of the tribals alone. There is hardly
any doubt that the Lalungs and Kacharis of Nowgong being
hard hit by the prohibitory measures of government were in
the vanguard of the movement ; but they were blessed, if
not actively cooperated with by educated and well-to-do
middle class consisting of small land owners, government
servants, mouzadars , traders and merchants who were no less
affected by recent taxes on income, trades and dealings. The
uprising at Phulaguri was the earliest popular movement in
Assam organised with the object of compelling the government
to yield to the will of the people by the withdrawal of un-
popular measures of taxation. The movement failed and was
bound to fail under existing circumstances ; but the precedent
was not lost upon the people ; it was followed up soon after.

In spite of the growing discontent of the ryots, the
authorities in Calcutta as well as in Assam never ceased to
impose new taxes and increase the existing rates in revenue
on land. In 1861, Ilopkinson sought to double the tax on
land on the plea of utilizing the excess revenue on works of
public utility. 21 Although the proposal did not receive the
approval of the Board of revenue, the latter agreed to the
recommendation made earlier by Jenkins that an additional
fund be created for the repair and reconstruction of roads,
bridges, etc. 25 In 1865, Ilopkinson renewed his proposal in
a different form proposing to raise the revenue on land with

22 Ibid .

23 Hazarika, M., “Bharatar Swadhinata Sangramat Angsagrahan” see
Bharatar Mukti Jujat Asom. p. 230.

24 BRC., 1861; 15 August, No. 96.

25 BRC., 1862; 24 March, No. 57.

Uprisings at Patharughat

95

the object of equalising the rates in all the districts. The
difference in rates, he argued, had encouraged migratory
habits of the ryots by drawing them away from the areas of
heavier taxation to those where assessment was light. 26 He
also wanted to raise the rates of “household and garden lands”
since the produce of these lands, viz. betel-nut commanded
a ready sale on the spot at a higher profit. Hopkinsons
proposal, on this occasion, received the approval of tho
Government of Bengal and, consequently, rates of rupit and
non-rupit lands increased from 25 to 50 per cent in almost
all the districts. 27

The ryots of Patharughat in the Mangaldai sub-division
were the first to react against the enhancement of revenues
on land. The aggrieved, both Hindus and Mussulmans, met
in their mels and protested against the new measures. Anti-
cipating troubles, Colonel A. C. Comber, Deputy Commis-
sioner, Darrang, accompanied by the Superintendent of Police
arrived at Patharughat, and on that very night the party was
besieged by a huge crowd ; but nothing untoward happened
since neither side took the offensive. 28 From early 1869,
mels were frequently held at Cobindapur, Hadira and Bajali
in the north of the district of Kammp. Towards the end of
January Mr. Campbell, the Sub-divisional officer, Barpeta, was
informed that about four thousand people had gathered at
Gobindapur to protest against the recent enhancement of
revenue on land. 29 The Police Inspector, Barpeta, was directed
iinmediatedly to proceed to the spot to inquire about the pro-
ceedings of the mel and to find out the ring leaders. Since
he had only a few men with muskets, the Inspector dared
not go against the assembly of the people. Under cover of
darkness he passed through Gobindapur and collected from
hearsay information the names of a few leaders, but failed

28 BRC., 1805 ; 14 June, No. 173.

37 BRC., 1869 ; November, No. 103 ; vide Appendix — A.

28 AS., 1894, September ; Proceedings on the Rangia , Lachima and
Patharughat Riots , No. 320.

2 ®AS., Letters issued to Government 1869, vol. 38, No. 113.

96

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

to furnish particulars about the mel which the Deputy Com-
missioner needed to bring the offenders to book. The ineffi-
ciency of police as exhibited in Gobindapur affair received
condemnation of Major Agnew, the officiating Commissioner
of Assam, who desired that the officer concerned should allow
no more time to mobs of such kind to assemble. 30 The
repressive measures subsequently enforced discouraged the
ryots from holding regular mels 3 but the smouldering ambers
of discontent lay dormant and manifested itself occasionally
in the gatherings at namghars and mosques.

No outward movement of a serious nature occurred for
nearly two decades. The matter, however, came to a head
in 1892 when Sir William Ward, the Chief Commissioner
Assam, in the new settlement raised the rates of revenue on
land to 70 to 80 per cent, and in some cases 100 per cent. 31
A no tax campaign on a vigorous scale was launched by the
ryots of Rangia and Lachima in the district of Kamrup and
Patharughat in Darrang. 33 During the month of December
people belonging to the tahsils of Pati Darrang, Nalbari.
Barama, Bajali, and also of the five mouzas of Upper Borbhag
and Sarukhetri in their mels resolved not to yield to the govern-
ment demand and to fine and excommunicate those who
would pay revenue to the government. 33 The movement
started with the looting of the Rangia bazar on the morning
of 24 December. In the same evening while returning from

3U Ibid., No. 12 C.

31 Op.cit., No. 326 ; see question and answers by R. B. Ghosh at
the Imperial Legislature on 29 March 1894.

32 Ibid., No. 252, McCabe to the Commissioner of the Assam Valley,
12 January 1894.

33 Ibid.

Thus in a meeting at Naogaon in Pati Darrang, on 28 December
1 893, the assembly ( Rais ) threatened one Bijoy Choudhury who had
paid a revenue of Rs. 25 and fined him a similar amount. In another
meeting on 9 January 3894, the ryots made a vow that any one giving
evidence in favour of Bijoy Choudhury would be excommunicated.
In a meeting at Tengapani, Pati Darrang, 4 January 1894, resolutions
were passed (i) not to pay revenue, (ii) to avenge themselves on who-
ever attempted to attach their property.

Rangia, Lachima and Patharugliat Uprisings

97

a ntel at Belagaon, a village near Rangia, the mob destroyed
the huts at the Rangia bazar and threatened a Marwari
( Keya ) shopkeeper that his shop would be looted on the 30th
on the ground that “their (Keyas) presence had caused en-
hancement of land revenue”. 34

On 30 December, actually a crowd estimated at about
three thousand assembled at Rangia, held demonstration
throughout the night and threatened that they would destroy
the thana, post office and the tahsildars bunglow. The
timely arrival of armed police saved the situation. On 6
January 1893, R. B. McCabe, the Deputy Commissioner,
Kamrup, with a party of police arrived at Rangia and suc-
ceeded in arresting a number of persons alleged to have been
implicated in the incident on 24 December. On 10 January,
a crowd of about three thousand, some armed w r ith clubs,
assembled at the open field near the thana. When they were
asked by the Deputy Commissioner to disperse, not only did
they disobey, but wore gradually drawing nearer to the thana
with cries “we won’t pay revenue at the enhanced rate”. In
the evening they attempted to release the arrested men by
forcing their way into the thana ano had actually occupied
a few houses within it, whereupon the police resorted to
firing which compelled them to disperse. 35

The determined resistance of the ryots and the appre-
hension of further troubles compelled McCabe to strengthen
security measures. He called for additional troops from
Tezpur and the Daranga frontier. The tahsildars cutcherry
was strongly stockaded and orders were issued for the attach-
ment of all licensed guns in the disturbed areas — Rangia,
Nalbari, Barama, Bajali. Without previous permission of the
Deputy Commissioner meetings of the mels were banned*.

34 Ibid., also News item, The Hindoo Patriot , 5 February 1894.

35 Ibid.

* In a notification on 10 January McCabe ordered : “Whereas the
assembly of mels in the district of Kamrup has resulted in riot and cri-
minal intimidation, it is hereby ordered that no mel shall assemble
within the tahsils of Pati darrang, Rangia, Nalbari, Tambulpur, Iiajo,

7

98

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

Leaders of the affected areas were appointed as special cons-
tables with the object of maintaining peace and in assisting in
the collection of revenues of the government. 36 These
measures resulted in a return to normalcy at Rangia where
in a few days, of the total demand of Rs. 90,000 of the first
instalment an amount of Rs. 60,000 was realised. But at
Nalbari, Barama and Bajali the mels continued to be as
active as before and there the ryots were placed as it were
in between two fires. McCabe reported :

The unfortunate ryot who has to pay his revenue is met by
the tahsildar on one side who says “if you do not pay, your pro-
perty will be attached, and on the other side by the Bah i.e. the
embodiment of the order of the met, which slates “if you pay von
are cursed and excommunicated". He has therefore to face loss
of property on the one side or social ostracism on the other : 3 7

At Bajali the mel appointed its own dak (post) peons to
carry its orders from one village to another and organised a
corps of elubsmen ( lathials ) to resist attachment of property.
The ryots were warned with dire consequences, against
accepting auctioned property of tlieir fellow villagers. 38 On

21 January 1894, when a mouzadar accompanied by a mandal
went to village Kapla, near Lachima in the Sarukhetri mouza ,
for collection of revenue, both of them were severely assaul-
ted and the mouzadar died a few days afterwards. For inter-
rogation and investigation seventy five persons were arrested
by the police, but a mob forcibly effected their release. The
threatening attitude of the ryots in a subsequent mel com-
pelled McCabe to arrive at Lachima on the 24th with a party
of sepoys of the 13th Bengal Native Infantry. 39 Hardly had
he effected the arrest of 59 persons and lodged them up in a

i

Barama and Bajali or in the mouza of Sarukhetri without the permission
of the Deputy Commissioner”. Ibid,, No. 257, Camp Rangia, 10
January 1894.

36 Ibid., also No. 338, McCabe, 13 June 1894.

37 Ibid., No. 252, McCabe, 12 January 1894.

: s Ibid., No. 312, Camp Tambulpur ; McCabe to the Commissioner,

22 February 1894.

30 Ibid.

Rangia, Lachima and Patliarughat Uprisings

99

temporary lock-up, when a huge crowd gathered in front of
his camp. The latter submitted a petition, stated to have
been signed by six thousand ryots demanding release of their
comrades and declining payment of revenue. On the refusal
of the Deputy Commissioner to accede to their demands the
mob rushed towards him, but they were kept at bay and later
driven out by the sepoys. 10

Simultaneously, troubles of a serious nature broke out
again at Patliarughat which was not more than twelve miles
from the border of Kamrup. Since the middle of January, the
ryots assembled in their mels for several days not only to
protest against the increase in rates of revenue but also to
resist those who would be paying revenue to the
government. 11 On receipt of the information, J. D. Anderson,
the Deputy Commissioner, Darrang, arrived at Patliarughat on
27 January with a party of military police under Lieutenant
Berrington. The next morning when the police party under
Berrington proceeded to attach the property of a defaulting
ryot, they were surrounded by a mob of about two hundred.
Berrington and his men somehow managed to escape and
reported the matter to the Deputy Commissioner. A few
hours afterwards about tho thousand ryots thronged in front
of the rest house where Anderson was encamping. In spite
of his orders to leave the place, the mob continued to
advance towards him throwing sticks and clods of earth.
Berrington was ordered to open fire. Thereupon, the police
chased the ryots firing continuously along the Mangaldai road
and scores of them lay dead and wounded. 42

40 lhid, also News item. The Hindoo Patriot , 5 February 1894.

41 Ibid,, No. 277 ; Anderson, J.D., to the Commissioner, 30 January
1894.

A scmi-con temporary Assamese mvtiical work Dolipuran by
Narottam Das provides a graphic description of the uprisings at
Patharughat.

42 Ibid., News item. The Hindoo Patriot , 5 February 1894. Accor-
ding to official report the number of dead was fifteen, wounded thirty-
seven ; but the number of both was much higher. Berrington who
carried the order of firing and who was on the spot reported that it

100

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

A survey of the uprisings described in the foregoing
pages will reveal that the revenue policy of the Government
of Assam caused widespread discontentment amongst the
agricultural ryots . The manner in which settlement of tem-
porarily settled areas was conducted was “arbitrary and
unjust”. The classification of land was neither scientific nor
based on actual productivity of the soil. The anomalies in
the revenue system had been described by a correspondent
of the Indian Nation as follows :

Formerly the Assam ryot was the proprietor of his land. If
he made any default to pay revenue, his land was sold at auction,
the surplus of the sale proceeds being paid to him alter deducting
arrear costs. But at present he is neither a landholder, a settle-
ment-holder or a tenant-at-will liable to be ejected or to have
his lease cancelled on breach of any of the conditions of lease.

At present the ryot cannot transfer his land to another without
permission of the Deputy Commissioner. Formerly there* was no
such restriction.

The number of patlas or lease has been multiplied and the
ryot may have from five to ten pcittus. For a single collah of
land, i\ it be situated near a public road, a patta bearing an eight
anna stamp may be demanded.

The burdens which now press upon the land in Assam are
considerably heavier than on land owned by zemindars in Bengal.

That the rates of assessment were exliorbitant is borne
out by the fact that the Chief Commissioner himself had been
forced to reduce it by 26% at the first instance and subse-
quently by a. further percentage. 44 Not satisfied with the token
reduction, the ryots demanded postponment of collection until
the representation which they made to the Government of
India was formally disposed of. At a public meeting held at
Sibsagar the inhabitants vehemently resented the sudden
increase of revenue to the extent of twenty four per cent

was impossible to ascertain the exact numbe r of casualties from a dis-
tance of 250 yards. That the number of wounded was heavier is
evident from the fact that special constables were asked to persuade
the ryots to take their comrades to the Mangaldai dispensary.

43 Editorial, The Indian Nation, 12 April 1894.

44 Op.cit ., see question and answers by if. B. Ghosh.

Press and Platform : Reactions

101

per pura as there was nothing in the agricultural and com-
mercial aspect of Sibsagar town to warrant such an enhance-
ment. The Jorhat Sarbajanik S abha and the Ryot Sabha of
Tezpur and Nowgong ventilated popular grievances against
the fiscal measures of the government. The Chief Commis-
sioner remained unmoved ; he "made no attempt to take the
people into confidence, to disarm their suspicions, to hold out
hopes”, 45 and hence followed the untoward events which
took a heavy toll of human lives.

Though belatedly, the Government of India reduced the
rates at first to 53% and later to 32.7% 4 G . “It is a pity”,
remarked the contemporary press, that “the order of abate-
ment did not reach sooner, in which case there would in all
probability have (been) no riots”. “It is a lamentable instance
of tardiness where promptness was the first requisite — a
glaring proof of red-tapism”. 47

The popular uprising, the “Assam riots” as it was called
by the official circles, was considered by the press “as a very
serious affair” and the manner of suppressing them was
regarded as even more serious. 48 The Indian Nation in its
issue on 21 April of 1894 described the grievances of the
people as “real and not sentimental”. The paper rightly
commented that “people complain not of loss of rights and
privileges, not of a lowering of status, but of a material
wrong in the shape of enhancement of revenue”. “Force was
employed, and this went for to bring about forcible resistance
on the part of the people, and the use of fire arms by tho
government. 49 The Amrita Bazar Patrika observed in its edi-
torial that “in the Deccan the fury of the ryots was directed
against money-lenders, in Bengal against indigo-planters in
1860, in Pabna against zamindars in 1872, but in Assam, at

45 Editorial, The Indian Nation t 21 April 1894.

46 Op.cit., see question and answers by R. B. Ghosh.

47 Reis and Rayyet , 10 February 1894, p. 62

48 Editorial, The Indian Nation , 12 February 1894.

4 * Editorial, Reis and Rayyet , 21 April 1894.

102

AGRARIAN REVOLTS

this movement, it is open rebellion against the Government”. 50
The protests of the people through press and platform had
their echo in the Imperial Legislature. At its meeting on 29
March 1894, Dr. Rash Bchari Ghosh put as many as eight
questions on the “Assam Riots”. He questioned the pro-
priety of the new assessment, the repressive policy adopted
by the local authorities and the appointment of respectable
persons as special constables for the purpose of collecting
taxes and attaching defaulters’ properties. 51 The replies given
to these by the government were vague and unsatisfactory.
They were considered as “misleading and inconsistent with
facts” by leading newspapers of the time. 52 The Government
of India might have laid the blame on the people while exo-
nerating itself and the provincial administration for all acts
of ommission and commission, but the repressive measures
undertaken to suppress the popular movement could not but
tarnish the fair name of any civilised government.

50 Editorial, The Indian Nation , 12 February 1894.

51 Op.cit ., see question and answers by R. B. Ghosh.

52 AS., September 1894, Proceedings on the Rangia , Lachima and
Patharughat Riots , No. 331 ; see Extract from The Bengalee , 28 April
1894.

CIIAPTKK SEVEN

English Education

It was no small compliment to Major Jenkins that he
realised soon after his assumption of office that the natives of
the soil must be relied on and that it was up to the govern-
ment to train them up to take up positions of trust and
responsibility. Being alarmed at the sight of non-Assamese
in almost all the government offices lie brought home to thq
Government of India that the “old families of Assam are still
losing influence in their own native province being elbowed
(out from) those situations which lead to power or decent
influence". This state of affairs, he was afraid, was
4 pregnant’ with serious consequences ; and this could be
remedied by no other means than the government taking “some
active steps" to provide instructions for the Assamese youths,
for when the upper classes will perceive that

There is no other road to distinction than through the attain-
ment of superior information and the means ol procuring it for
their children is put within their reach, they will not allow to he
surpassed by those of the inferior ranks. 1

The indigenous system of education continued to exist in
Assam even after the period of civil wars and invasions in a,
number of satras , tols and patlisalas where instructions imparted
Were mostly of religious nature leading to a pious life and not
so much for any useful purpose or widening the mental horizon.
To encourage this system of education, in October 1826, with
the approval of the Government of India, Scott established
eleven schools by assignment of lands mostly in Lower Assam
where “the only language taught is Sanskrit and the matter

1 BPC., 1834 ; 10 July, No. 211 ; Jenkins to the Deputy Secretary,
Government of Bengal, 21 Juno.

104

ENGLISH EDUCATION

sender ” 2 Adam White in collaboration with James Rae, a
Christian missionary, founded another school in 1831 at Gauhati
where in addition to the existing courses of studies, Bengali
translation of English works on elementary science formed a
part of the curriculum. 3 In 1833, with the aid of the Moravians’
Society* Robertson sought to establish a number of institutions
with the object of imparting practical knowledge rather than
theological lessons, but the scheme was considered “too revo-
lutionary” to be acceptable to the authorities in Calcutta. An
invitation to the Moravians, it was feared, would be tantamount
to the encouragement to mission activities which would be inf
direct contravention to the principles of religious neutrality so
long followed by the East-India Company. 4

Jenkins conceived that in a backward province like Assam
education should be a State responsibility. “To (en-) trust the
diffusion of knowledge ... to natives of the country would be
to protract for centuries what with our aid may be performed
in a brief period of years.” 5 He therefore strongly urged the
Government of India in his letter of 21 June 1834 for the esta-
blishment of English schools under supervision of European
functionaries at the S adar stations — Goalpara, Gauhati,
Nowgong, Darrang and Bishwanath. For necessary training,
a number of Assamese youths of rank should be sent to Calcutta
and provisionally teachers capable of teaching English and
Bengali would have to be procured from Bengal. The school
buildings would be constructed at a little expense by convicts
of the local jail. The total cost of the entire scheme was esti-
mated at Rs. 12,000.°

2 BPC., 1826 ; 25 October, Nos. 21-2 ; BRC., 1840 ; 1 March, No.
40 ; see Matthie’s report on Northern Central Assam.

3 Op.cit . ; White to Jenkins, 18 June.

* The Moravians, a protestant sect, were the inhabitants of Moravia,
now a part of Czechoslovakia. They sent missions to backward areas
with the object of spreading the Gospel along with useful education.

4 GCPIB., Gauhati School, Robertson 9 October, 1835.

5 BPC., 1834 ; 10 July, No. 211 ; Op.cit
*lbid.

English School at Gauhaii

105

Until the early years of the nineteenth century, the attitude
of the East-India Company towards education of the Indians
was one of total indifference. The Charter Act of 1813, how-
ever, made education a responsibility of the Company s govern-
ment and set apart for each year a lakh of rupees for the
'revival and improvement of literature and the encouragement;
of learned natives of India and for the introduction and promo-
tion of a knowledge of science amongst the inhabitants of the
British territories in India”. It was not until the appointment
of the General Committee of Public Instruction in 1823 that
definite steps were taken for the promotion of education of the
natives of India. Hardly had the committee started activities,
when opinions were divided even amongst its members as to
amount earmarked for education should be spent for the pro-
motion of oriental learning or for the spread of education
through the medium of English. The controversy between the
two groups — the Orientalists and the Anglicists — reached a
head on the arrival of Macaulay, in early 1835, as the President
of the General Committee of Public Instruction. On the basis
of the minute submitted by Macaulay, the Governor-General
in Council resolved on 7 March 1835 that ‘'The great object of
the British Government ought to be the promotion of
European literature and science amongst the natives of India
and that all the funds appropriated for the purposes of educa-
tion would be best employed on English education alone.”

The proposal submitted by Jenkins reached the General
Committee of Public Instruction at the opportune moment.
The latter accorded its approval in June 1835 for the establish-
ment of an English school at Gauhati and in the next month
appointed Mr, Singer, its Headmaster on a salary of Rs. 150
a month. 7 Towards the close of the same year the school (now
Collegiate High School) had its start with an enrolment of 58
students. The number increased to 150 in 1838 and 380 at
the end of 1840. Since the Gauhati School was not accessible
to the pupils of Upper Assam, for the education of the sons

7 BPC., 1835 ; 27 June, Nos. 2-5.

106

ENGLISH EDUCATION

of the Ahom royal family and the gentry of the realm, Brodie
proposed to establish an English school at the sadar station
and branch schools at Jaypur and Jorhat. Paucity of funds
postponed the scheme from being implemented until 1841, when
an English school was started at Sibsagar with Mr. D. S ouza
as its Headmaster. In the meantime William Robinson
replaced Singer as the Headmaster of Gauhati school. 8

True to the expectations of Jenkins, when the portals of
public service were thrown open only to those who were edu-
cated, the higher classes not only showed their eagerness to
get their sons educated, but many of them became patrons of
education. 9 The increasing demand for English education led
to the opening of a number of branch schools entirely at public
expense in the neighbourhood of Gauhati — Pandu, Kamakhya,
Beltola, Amingaon and North Gauhati. 10 Although owing to
the general poverty and ignorance of the people, men in rural
areas were “content to live and die as their forefather's did” — *
many desired to have rudiments of education should oppor-
tunities be available nearer home. The demand became all
the more stronger with the introduction of the new revenue
measures in 1833-4 requiring the services of a number of
minor revenue officers — the thakurias , gaon kakaties , etc. The
introduction of written pattas also aroused a curiousity and
created the necessity even amongst the ignorant masses in the
interior to have the knowledge of the three Rs lest they be
deceived by the corrupt amlahs of the court. To cater to this
growing demand, in 1838 James Matthie, the Collector of
Kamrup laid before the government a scheme of village schools
under which existing indigenous institutions were to be deve-
loped to impart instructions to the masses in reading, writing

t

8 GCPIB., Gauhati School ; Singer to Jenkins, 21 January, 1836 ;
RPIB., 1840-1, Pp. 220-2 ; AS., Letter received from District Officers;
Vol. 14(a) ; Brodie to Jenkins, 16 October, 1840.

9 RPIB, 1838 ; Pp. 68-9.

Thus Contributions of rupees one thousand each was made by the
Raja of Gooch Behar, Dayaram Baruah, the Choudhurtj of DharampuT
and Jognoram Phukan, the Sadar Amin of Gauhati.

10 GCPIB, Comilla and Gauhati School, Robertson 8 January, 1841.

Vernacular Schools

107

and arithmetic. 11 In spite of eloquent support of the educa-
tionist like Adam, Munro and Elphiustone, the attitude of the
General Committee of Public Instruction towards mass edu-
cation was far from being favourable. It strictly followed the
so-called filtration theory — that education should spread gra-
dually from the higher to the lower classes and therefore the
Gauhati school should produce a class of local instructors
through whose agency the benefits of similar education should
percolate to the masses. Approval of Matthie’s proposal was
thus out of the question ; but on the strong recommendation
of the President-in Council, "as an experimental measure”,
the scheme received the sanction of the Supreme Government. 12
While vernacular education was entirely neglected in Bengal
and elsewhere, it received encouragement in the hands of the
local authorities in Assam. In August 1835, twentyone village
schools were established in Kamrup and similar schools were
set up in the next two years at Darrang and Nowgong. By
1843, the number of village schools stood at twelve in
Nowgong, five in Darrang and twenty two in Kamrup. 13

Though inspired by a proselytising spirit, the contribution
made by the Christian Missionaries to the promotion of edu-
cation in Assam was unique. On 6 January 1837, Reverend
Nathan Brown and Reverend Oliver Cutter started a school
at Sadiya, and within a week twenty pupils enrolled themselves
with an eagerness that was "truly astonishing”. 14 By 1845,
the American Baptist Missionaries started three schools in

1 1 BRC., 1838 ; 14 August, No. 65 ; Matthie to Jenkins 13 February.

In fact in 1837 Captain Bogles, Rutherford’s predecessor, initiated

the proposal for the spread of useful information to the masses. He
pointed out that English education wouljl help only a few while to the
great majority it would he a mere waste of time to acquire even a rudi-
mentary knowledge of it. Concurring in this view, the Supreme
Government sanctioned an amount of Rs. 64 for the establishment of
three vernacular schools at Darrang, Chatgari and Tez.pur. AS., File No.
356; Jenkins 22 August 1837, No. 327.

12 Op.cit No 66 ; RPIB., 1857-8 ; see report of the Inspe ctor of
Schools, North East Bengal and Assam, p. 171.

13 RPIB., 1843-4, p. 132.

14 Sword, V. H., Baptists in Assam, p. 33

108

ENGLISH EDUCATION

Nowgong, five in Kamrup and fourteen in Sibsagar with an
average attendance of 347 students. 15 The Welsh Missionaries
who had commenced their activities in the Khasi-Jayantia
Hills had about a dozen schools to their credit. 16 The Mission-
aries preferred Assamese to English as medium and for this
they learnt the regional language, translated English works into
vernacular and published books for the use of the pupils.
Besides religious lessons the Christian teachers imparted ins-
tructions in the three R’s and usually on some useful arts.
Bronson opened up an industrial school at Namsang and another
at Nowgong. 17

With the exception of the mission schools where Assamese
was the medium, lessons were imparted generally in village
schools in Bengali covering elements of reading, writing and
arithmetic while at the sadar schools there were two indepen-
dent departments — English and Bengali. 18 Subjects taught in
the junior classes were Wilson’s Chronology, Yates’ Elements
of Natural Philosophy, English Grammar, the use of globes,
arithmetic, and translation and composition ; while the curri-
culum of the senior classes consisted of Marshman’s History
of India, Homer’s Iliad by Pope, Elements of Natural Philo-
sophy, geography, arithmetic up to vulgar fractions, and com-
positions and translation. Provisions were also made for the
teaching of the classical subjects, Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian. 19

Evidently, attempts were made to provide liberal educa-
tion to the Assamese pupils. Every emphasis was however
laid from the very beginning on the study of English and in
fact the lure of jobs attracted most of the students to the
English department. It was however found extremely difficult

15 RPIB., 1845 ; see Appendix, Robertson to Jenkins 31 March,
1845 ; Report of the American Baptist Mission in Assam 1845, p. 27.

16 Morris, J.H., The History of the Welsh Calvinist Methodist
Foreign Mission etc., p. 74.

17 Sword, V.H., Op.cit., Pp. 48, 68-9; IPC. 1840; 11 May, Nos.
128-9.

18 RPIB., 1838 ; Pp. 71-2 ; 1839, Pp. 68-9 ; 1841, Pp. 180-1.

19 Barpujari, H.K., “A Short History of Higher Education in Assam ”
Cotton College, Golden Jubilee Volume, p. 11.

Progress of Education 103

on the part of the beginners to learn English both as a subject
and language of instruction. This was evident in the very first
year of the Gauhati school when several students did not turn
up after admission on account of the unintelligibility of the*
English language*. There was a rapid fall in enrolment and
it dwindled to such an extent that in 1844 the Government
of Bengal thought it desirable to make teaching of English
optional. Consequently both the schools at Gauhati and
Sibsagar were converted into Anglo-Vernacular schools. 20
Improvement of English schools posing too difficult a problem,
the local authorities directed their attention to augment the
number of vernacular schools for the spread of education. As
a result the number of vernacular schools increased in 1852 to
74 with an enrolment of 4025 ; of these 26 schools were in
Kamrup, 13 in Nowgong, 9 each in the districts of Sibsagar
and Nowgong. 21 Until 1856-7, in Cachar there was not a
school worth the name. In 1865-6 there w r ere seven schools
in existence. The position was slightly better in Sylhct which
had 28 schools with an enrolment of 1127 students. 22

In 1841, with a view to effecting “a vigilant control* and
introducing "a uniform system of instruction” William
Robinson, the Headmaster of the Gauhati school, was made the
Inspector of Schools. 23 The appointment did not find favour
with the Collectors who felt that they would have no more
control over educational institutions in their jurisdictions. On
the otherhand, the teachers and the taught were also not satis-
fied since they lost the prospect of being personally brought

•This was remedied in the next year by the introduction of thrrv
departments Bengali, Sanskrit and Persian. As a result enrolment
increased next year to 111 of whom 77 Hindus, 33 Muhammedans and
3 Christians. RPIB., 1855-6, p. 32.

20 RPIB., 1844-5, p. 11.

21 AS., Letter issued to the Board of Revenue, Vol. Nil, 1832,
Jenkins to the Secretary, Council of Education, 17 September, No. 206.
Mills, Report on Assam, Pp. 8-17.

22 Allen, B.C., Assam District Gazetteers , 1905, Cachar, Pp. 145-6
Sylhet, p. 262.

23 RPIB., 1844 ; see Appendix V., Beadon to Jenkins, 29 April.

110

English Education

into notice of the Collectors in whose hands lay the whole
patronage of appointments, the only inducement for education.
As a remedy although the Inspector was made primarily res-
ponsible for public instruction, the local authorities were also
authorised to visit the schools so as to bring irregularities and,
abuses to the notice of the Inspector and to give every en-
couragement to the people to avail themselves of the means
provided by the government. 21 In spite of this dual supervision

the schools were conducted according to no system or each had
a system ot its own. In most of the village schools masters kept
no register of daily attendance nor had (they) a list of pupils even.
The book oi insti notion was issued, but it was seldom opened ;
neither was there a fixed curriculum nor any list of text-books
and, in tact, text books were so scarce that the teachers were com-
pelled to devote much ot their time to writing letters, petitions and
keeping accounts or engaged in religious studies.- 5

Consequently, as Robinson reported,

Even the mosl advanced students were just able to read only
a few pages ot their text-books without any comprehension what-
ever oi their meaning and not unottcu the teacher himself ... their
handwriting illegible, orthography much worse, of arithmetic they
literally knew nothing. 20

The knowledge which they acquire seldom makes them
fit for any other duty than those of a gaon kakati. As to the
attainment at the sadar schools it was equally disappointing.
Until 1854, “not a single student has been able to acquire even
the standard laid down for junior scholarships in the Govern-
ment Schools and Colleges.” 27

Wood's Despatch of 1854 laid the foundation of modem
system of education in India. It repudiated the filtration theory
— that education should spread from the higher to the lower

21 AS., Letter issued to Government, Vol. 13(B), 1839-51; Jenkins
6 May 1846.

25 Barpujari, H.K., Op.cit. p. 12.

26 RPIB., 1845 ; see Appendix V., Robinson to Jenkins.

27 Mills, Op.cit ; see Dhekial Phukan, Observation on the Adminis-
tration etc . Appendix J.p. XLI.

Slow Progress of English Education

111

stratum in society and recommended instead education of the
masses through a number of High Schools, Middle Schools
and Primary Schools to be supported by grant-in-aid. With the
object of diffusing “useful and practical knowledge” to the
masses, accordingly, endeavours had been made in Assam to
establish a number of self-supporting indigenous schools on
grant-in-aid basis. 28 Under the scheme of Subsidy Schools
rewards were offered to teachers to attract larger number of
pupils to their sheools to acquire the rudiments of the three
R’s. 29 To raise the standard of teaching, on the suggestions
made by Mills, the number of primary schools was reduced,
in 1860 from seventy two to twenty one and later to sixteen
despite protests made by the guardians to send their wards
to far off places for receiving education in the government
schools. To compensate this, in 1870-1 grant-in-aid to self-
supporting schools was raised and the number of these insti-
tutions also increased to 166 with 5278 pupils on the rolls/ 10
The slow progress of English education at the Gauhati
school created a notion in the minds of the local authorities
that the “Assamese would never improve in European know-
ledge”. 31 This was strongly refuted by DhekiaJ Phukan in his
Observation on the Administration of the Province of Assam
which he submitted to Mills in 1853. He rightly pointed out
that it would be both unfair and unjust to judge the capacity
of a people to receive improvements from the trial of a period
not exceeding five or six years and that the slow progress of
English education in Assam must be traced more to the defects
of the system than to the want of zeal and promptitude on
the part of the students. He made it clear to Mills that the
people, particularly the upper classes, were anxious to educate
their sons on the knowledge of western science and literature

28 RPIB., 1855-6; Appendix A, p. 90; 1856-7, Appendix A, p. 151.

29 The experiment was a success in the districts of Kamrup and
Sibsagar but not in other districts. Ibid., 1857-8, Appendix A, p. 162.

30 BEP., 1862 ; 3 June, No. 20 ; Hunter, W. W., Statistical Account
of Assam , vol. 1 ; Reprinted, 1975, Pp. 76, 156, 274, 399, AS., Letter
issued to Government, Vol. 30, Commissioner of Assam, 11 June, No. 19.

31 Mills, Report on Assam ; see DhekiaJ Phukan, A., Op.cit.

112

ENGLISH EDUCATION

which was borne out by the fact that despite too many diffi-
culties several students had already been sent to the Presidency
for higher education. 32

In fact, since the sixties there had been a persistent
demand from the public for the establishment of English
schools, 33 for it was obvious to them that with the knowledge
of the three R’s they could not aspire after any other job than
copyists, clerks or accountants. What they demanded was
not merely English education, but instruction of a higher order
to make them eligible for lucrative posts under the govern-
ment. Robinson says

The boys now s?e that medium attainments will not suffice
to secure the better class of appointments now being thrown open
to them, and the lesult I a:n happy to see is a (desire) for a
higher standard of education in the almost certain hope that “the
race is to be strong”, and that better the qualification, the better
now the chance of employment. 31

For the establishment of a High School or College repre-
sentations were made to the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal
when the latter paid a visit to Assam in 1862. 35 When there!
was thus a rising tide in favour of higher English education,
the local authorities had to change their attitude and to sup-
port the public demand. As early as August 1855, G.F.F.
Vincent, the Collector of Darrang, urged the Inspector of
Schools to establish a college somewhere in Assam having
separate departments of humanities, agriculture, medicine and
manufactures. 36 In his representation on 4 October 1862, ana-

32 Ibid.

33 During his visit to Dibrugarh the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal
remarked ; “there is a very strong desire on the part of all the better
classes of the community to give their children an English education
and that , wherever there was schools for teaching that language the
attendance is good ... sudder station where there is no school of the kind
the people were clamouring for the establishment of one”.

AS. Letter issued to Government vol. 30 ; Op.cit.

34 AS., 1862 ; File No. 507 ; Robinson to the Commissioner, 4
October, No. 750.

35 Ibid.

36 AS., 1855 ; Letter received from District Officers ; vol. No. 44 (b) ;
Vincent to Robinson, 30 August.

Early Collegiate Education : Its Failure

113

lysing the difficulties faced by the Assamese students in their
pursuit of higher education in Calcutta, Robinson pressed for
the establishment of a provincial college in Assam.’ 17 In
October 1864, Mr. Murray, who succeeded Robinson as thq
Inspector of Schools, also laid stress on the necessity of making
some provision for collegiate education in Assam. Such a
measure, he brought home to the Government of Bengal, apart
from giving a stimulus to higher education would obviate the
necessity of importing at a higher salary subordinate officers,
even ordinary school masters from Bengal. Realising however
that the government may not be agreeable to provide an ex-
pensive college for the handful of students then coming out
from the two schools at Gauhati and Sibsagar, he proposed to
raise up the standard of the Gauhati School to the F.A. Course
of the Calcutta University. The proposal appeared to be so
convincing that the Government of India readily accorded its
approval to the measure. The Gauhati School was to be
raised to a Collegiate School with an establishment of
Rs. 12,000 per annum. 38

In May 1866, with the high hopes the collegiate section
was started at the Gauhati School ; but from the outset its
prospects were far from being promising. Since the number
of successful candidates at Entrance Examination was small,
the enrolment at the collegiate section was bound to be poor.
In 1870-1, the total enrolment stood at seventeen ; it dwindled
to seven in 1875-6. 39 Consequently, the cost of education of
a pupil at the Collegiate school was comparatively much higher
at Gauhati than in an institution where numerical strength was
higher. In 1874-5, per capita expenditure of a college student
at Gauhati stood at Rs. 1,086 whereas at the Presidency
College, Calcutta Rs. 210, Patna College Rs. 498 and Cuttack

37 AS., 1862; File No, 507; Op.cit.

38 Centenary Report , Collegiate School Gauhati , 1835, Pp. 21-2 ,
Vicle e xtract from the Government of Bengal to the Government ot
India 1865 ; 13 June, No. 3987.

3<J CRPIA., 1877-8, p. 65.

8

114

ENGLISH EDUCATION

High School Rs. 408. 40 What ultimately led the authorities to
revert the Cauhati school to its earlier status was its disappoint-
ing results ; in 1869-70, of the two candidates who appeared
at the F. A. Examination one passed, but during the years
1872-4, not a single candidate could come out successful in the
University examination. 41

The failure of the collegiate experiment was the true
index of Secondary or High School education in Assam. With-
out an increase in the number of feeder institutions it was
vain to expect the success of the higher education. Even
from the existing institution a tolerably good number of suc-
cessful candidates would have been forthcoming if the instruc-
tions were imparted effectively by teachers duly qualified for
the job. “With the same money allowed for the schools in
Bengal”, with regret Murray reported, “we have to send for
inferior men from Dacca and Calcutta for higher posts and
are obliged to be content with the teachers for the lower
classes who know little more than a smattering of anything.” 12
The pay that was offered to a teacher was also extremely
meagre. “It is certain”, reported Porter, the Inspector of
Schools, “that no competent men will be willing to come from
Bengal on Rs. 20 or Rs. 25 per month. 13 Added to this was
the difficulty of a foreign medium of instruction. Though
English was made optional in 1844, with the affiliation of tho
Gauhati English School to the Entrance Examination of the
Calcutta University in 1858, English was reintroduced as a
compulsory subject both in the Higher and Middle English

10 Ibid., 1874-5, p. 46.

'• 1 Vide Appendix — B

42 Cited in Centenary Report , Collegiate School Gauhati , 1835, p. 21.
Even the Head Master, Gauhati Zilla School, as reported by Captain
Lloyd, the Deputy Commissioner, Kamrup, “Though a painstaking man
is unquestionably deficient in the acquirement necessary to fit him
for the post of the Head Master of the school. He can neither speak
nor write English grammatically and has a very leazy (sic) idea of
general literature”. AS., letter issued to Government, vol. 30 ; Commis-
sioner of Assam, 11 June, Letter No. 19.

GRPIB., 1867-8, Pp. 365-9.

Early Collegiate Education : Its Failure

115

Schools from the lowest classes, and in the former it was also
used as a medium of instructions. The study of the subject
began even before the pupils had a fair knowledge of his own
vernacular. As a result, “their education was sound neither
in English nor in vernacular nor in the subject studied through
these media”. 11 What was worse, the recognised vernacular
was not the mother tongue, but Bengali, a foreign language.
The continuance of Bengali as the Court language might have
given in subordinate officers and those in constant touch with
them, a working knowledge of the language, but to the masses,
the young pupils in particular, the foreign vernacular proved
to be the most formidable obstacle in the progress of educa-
tion. Mills noticed this anomally in 1853 when he strongly
recommended to the Council of Education* immediate subs-
titution of Bengali by Assamese with the remark that “an
English youth is not taught Latin until he is well grounded
in English, and in the same manner, an Assamese should not
be taught a foreign language until he knows his own”. 45

The emergence of a separate Directorate of Education in
Assam following the reconstitution of the province in 1874,
naturally, raised high hopes in the minds of the educated youths
that the cause of higher education would receive adequate*
justice in the hands of the authorities. Their hopes were not
entirely belied. The untiring efforts of the Assamese public,
the whole-hearted cooperation of the American Missionaries
and the strongest recommendations made by some of the high
officials led the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal in 1873 to

1 1 CRPIA., 1877-8, p. 3.

* In 1842 General Committee of Public Instruction was replaced
by the Council of Education and it continued to function until ]855.

' ir > Mills, Op.cit. y p. 28, para 92.

In a similar strain G.F.F., Vincent, Collector of Darrang, suggested
that, “in lieu of the present Mongrel dialtct of half Assamese and half
Bengali, the Assamese language be taught in the schools, the pundits
of which should be all natives of the country (and) no foreigner being
on any account whatever, preferred to such a situation. AS., 1855 ;
vol. No. 44(b), Letters received from District Officers ; Vincent, 30
Angust.

116

ENGLISH EDUCATION

make Assamese the language of the court and schools in
Assam. Thanks to the cooperation of the unofficials and offi-
cials, the initial difficulties arising out of the scarcity of text-
books was gradually removed by the publication of a series of
suitable text-books on various subjects for the Assamese
pupils. The English schools were also on the increase. In
1881-2, the total number of High Schools, including those of
the Surma Valley, was eleven with an enrolment of 2264 and
of Middle English Schools thirtyseven with 2929 pupils on the
rolls. 1 r> Since 1880 there was also a steady increase in the
percentage of successful candidates in the Entrance
Examinations. 17

It dawned upon the English educated youths that even
the high offices in the State could not be a monopoly of tho
non-Assamese or the Englishmen and that of right the sons
of the soil must have the major share in them. 18 The agitation
centred in the beginning not so much in capturing a number
of posts but in acquiring the means of getting the requisite
qualification for them. The last quarter of the 19tl\ century,
therefore, saw not only an increase in the number of English
Schools on private enterprise, bat also an organised move for
the promotion of collegiate education. Stressing on the diffi-
culties experienced by the Assamese students in Calcutta, in
1878 the educated public represented to Sir Steuart Bailey,
the Chief Commissioner of Assam, for the re-opening of the
’collegiate classes at the Gauhati school and the latter, too,
expressed his willingness to do so provided the public would
raise half of the funds required for the purpose which was
at that age unthinkable. 19 Sir Charles Elliott, Bailey’s succes-
sor, considered the question of re-opening of the college
classes if ,the university results continued to be satisfactory ;
pending that he raised the value of the scholarships to rupees

10 GRPIA., 1881-2 ; Pp. 29 and 45.

47 Vide Appendix — B

48 AS., Home A, 1894 ; July Nos. 195-296, see Memorial of the
Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha , 14 December 1892.

49 AS., Home A; 1899; July, Nos. 123-4, Baruah, M. C., 28 March.

Agitation for Collegiate Education

117

twenty to be awarded to all Assamese students who would
proceed for higher education at any college in Bengal/’ 0 Thq
increase in value and number of scholarship for a time silenced
the public, but in 1887 William Ward, the then Chief Commis-
sioner reduced the number of scholarships to fourteen divert-
ing the funds to scholarships for studies in the Medical and
Engineering colleges in Calcutta. 51

The reduction in the number of scholarships without a
further move on the part of the government to implement the
collegiate scheme as assured by Elliott led to a renewal of the
agitation. Although the majority still demanded that the
college should be established at Gauhati, a section of the
people wanted it to be located either at Sibsagar or Jorhat
since Gauhati was neither healthier nor centrical ; while a few
others opined that the Assamese students would get a sounder
education only in Bengal and that "seeing something of this
world would enlarge their ideas”. But such hopes remained
unfulfilled, it was argued, since Assamese students who pro-
ceeded to Calcutta formed a coterie amongst themselves with-
out mixing with others which prevented them from having
a broader outlook. It was also too much to expect a higher
standard of education when majority of them resorted to
private colleges where standard of teaching and discipline
was far from being satisfactory.’ 2 The conflicting views as to
the establishment of a college, its location and no less the finan-
cial implication it would involve, postponed the final decision
of the government on the subject.

The attention of the government was not drawn until
Manik Chandra Baruah, an eminent Assamese of the age, in his
memorial on 28 March 1899, made out a strong case for tlio
establishment of a second-grade college at Gauhati. Baruah
represented :

Assam is the only province which has not got a college.

Indeed, it has not a high institution worth the name. A college

•*° Ibid.

51 Ibid ; see Note by the Chief Commissioner, para 2.

52 Ibid., Pp. 2-3.

118

ENGLISH EDUCATION

at Gauhati with a European Principal will be better appreciated
by the students than similar private institutions (owned by native
gentlemen) to which they generally resort. 53

Refuting the arguments of his opponents, Baruah added
that Gauhati would be the ideal location for the college ; it
was easier for the people of Upper Assam to come down stream
to Gauhati than for those of Lower Assam to go up to Sibsagar
or Dibrugarh. It is nearer to Bengal than any other sadat
station and with the completion of the railways on the north
bank it will be directly connected with Calcutta. Gauhati was
unhealthy, he admitted, owing to Kala-azar , from the ravages
of which there will be no escape in the near future even in
Upper Assam . 51

What Baruah sincerely desired was that the higher educa-
tion of the Assamese youths should not suffer under any cir-
cumstances. If the government was of the opinion that the
time was not ripe for consideration of a college at Gauhati,
Baruah emphasised the urgency of establishing a hostel for
Assamese students in Calcutta . 55 The strongest support came
from the then Chief Commissioner Sir Henry John Stedman
Cotton — one of the most popular, far-sighted and liberal-minded
civilians whom England had sent out to India. In considera-
tion of the difference in opinion as to the establishment of the
college, its location and mainly to discourage the spirit of pro-
vincialism which was then rife, the Chief Commissioner empha-
sised that Assamese students should proceed for higher educa-
tion to Bengal. “They are dependent on Bengal as Welshmen
are dependent on England.” That “such dependence is not
inconsistent with a truly national sentiment ”. 56 Sir Henry,
therefore, proposed in lieu of a local college, a hostel for
Assamese students in Calcutta under proper supervision. How-
ever without ascertaining the views of the public, he was not
prepared to go ahead with his own scheme. In response to

53 Ibid.

54 Ibid.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid., see Note by the Chief Commissioner p. 3.

Agitation for Collegiate Education

119

his circular letters, representations poured in from all quarters
and to the amazement of the Chief Commissioner unanimously
favouring the college, and not a hostel in Calcutta. 57 Without
any mental reservation, Sir Henry accepted the people’s
verdict. 58 In spite of the financial crisis in the wake of the
great earthquake of 1897, he took immediate steps to lay the
foundation of the college that has been gratefully named
after him and that was destined to be the alma mater and a
common forum of the youths of the hills and plains in
Assam.

The Cotton College was formally opened by the Chief
Commissioner on 20 June 1900. Under the inspiring guidance
of a galaxy of eminent teachers and untiring exertions of
the Principal F. W. Sudmersen who identified himself with
the college, it became in less than a decade the premier
institution of higher education in Eastern India. The end of
the century also saw a rapid advance of education at all
levels. During 1897-1902, the number of institutions had
increased from 2800 to 3534 with a corresponding rise in
number of pupils from 83,638 to 103,541. At the secondary
stage, English education advanced more than vernacular which
remained almost stationary during the period under review ;
the number of students receiving English education in Assam
rose from 7967 to 10,334.* ,,J There was, above all, an upward
trend in the number of successful candidates at the Entrance
and other university examination as will be seen in the
Appendix-B. As Principal Sudmersen remarks, “Assamese
students have passed the F. A. Examinations in such large
numbers and in such high divisions as were never dreamt of
by the most sanguine Assamese leaders when the college was
first started”/ 10 At no distant future, he fondly hoped, the

57 AS., Home A; 1899, November No. 113, vide resolution on the
establishment of a second-class college at Gauhati.

58 Ibid.

GRPIA., 1897-8-1902, see Resolution.

e0 Report of the Progress of Education in Eastern Bengal and Assam ,
1907-8, p. 33, para 72.

120

ENGLISH EDUCATION

Assamese students will hold their own in public life,
government and non-government, as their counterparts else-
where in India. Sudmersen’s expectations were not belied.

It will appear from the foregoing pages that the primary
motive of the Assamese youths for English education was the
prospect of better jobs under the government. This was not
an exception in Assam or in any way unusual in that age or
even in our own times. Robinson says : “The people of
Bengal arc actuated by no higher motive. I doubt whether
even in enlightened England education is sought after for its
own sake”. 61 This apart, English education and in its train
western ideas brought about, though slowly, profound changes
in every facet of Assamese life. Impact of the west was felt
at first in Bengal, more correctly speaking in Calcutta, and its
ripples before long flowed into the adjoining provinces. Of
the early English educated youths imbibing western culture
who sought to regenerate the Assamese the name of Anandaram
Dhekial Phukan is pre-eminent.

Born at Gauhati in 1829 Anandaram was the son of
Haliram Dhekial Phukan, the earliest apostle of modernism
in Assam. A much travelled man as he was, Haliram keenly
appreciated the significance of promoting cultural and com-
mercial contact between the peoples of Assam and Bengal for
the furtherance of which he contributed a series of articles
in the Bengali periodicals of the age and also wrote a History
of Assam on modern lines in Bengali which he is said to have
distributed free of cost. 62 His brother Jagnoram Phukan, the
first English educated Assamese, was well versed in Sanskrit,
Arabic, Persian, Urdu and Bengali. A member of Brahmo
Samaj and disciple of Raja Rammohan Ray, Jagnoram had

61 AS., 1862 ; File No. 507 ; Robinson 4 October.

62 These articles were published in the Samachar Darpan and
Samachar Chanel rika. To encourage visitors and pilgrims, he also wrote
a guide book Kamakhya Jatrar Pacldhati (1831).. Bhattacharjee, J. M.,
Assam Buranji by Haliram Dhekial Phukan (ed), see editorial Notes.
The first part of Assam Buranji was published at the Samachar
Chandrika Press, Calcutta, in 1829, and remaining three parts
subsequently.

Anandaram-Apostle of the New Age

121

liberal views on religion and society.™ A worthy son of his
worthy father, Anandaram was the product of the Hindu
College, the centre of the most advanced and liberal ideas of
Bengal at the time. Young Anandaram was acquainted with
Devendra Nath Tagore, David Hare and Raja Radha Kanta
Deb. He had also relations with celebrities like Prasanna
Kumar Tagore, Motilal Sil, Sitanath Ghosh and Ram Chandra
Mitra . 64 Ill Health and domestic worries compelled Anandaram
to terminate his collegiate career shortly afterwards ; yet he
kept himself abreast with the progressive ideas of the day
through the Bengali periodicals which he subscribed and
through his intimate contact with several luminaries of
Bengal.™

Anandaram was the true representative of the new age. Ill's
advanced and liberal views found clear expression in the re-
presentation which he made to Mills in the classic document
Observation on the Administration of the Province of Assam .
In his article lnglendar Viharan in the A runodai drawing a
comparison with England he deplored the utter backwardness
of the Indians although India attained the height of her
civilisation much earlier than England. He traced the success
of the English to their indomitable courage, spirit of indepen-
dence and industrious habits. He made a fervent appeal to
his countrymen to awake from their slumber and to emulate
the Englishmen in their endeavours for the spread of know-
ledge and advancement in agriculture, industries and com-
merce. He was confident of their success provided they think
not in terms of their own, but of the country as a whole.™
He revealed himself as the harbinger of the Modern age in
the suggestions he made to Mills fpr all round improvement
of the Assamese. In an agricultural country like Assam, lie
was well aware, the lot of the peasantry could not be

<i;] Baruah Gunabhiram, Anandaram Dhekial Phukanar Jiban Charitra ,
Reprint (1971), Pp. 20-1 ; Bhattacharjee, J. M., Op.cit , Appendix P(3).

* x lbid. y Pp. 35-7.

« 5 Ibid.

66 Cutter, O. T. (ed), ArunodaU April 1847.

122

ENGLISH EDUCATION

improved without the production of varied but marketable
crops by improved methods of cultivation . 67 He desired that
the government should take the lead in bringing adequate
number of agricultural experts from abroad to teach the
people to raise varieties of valuable crops, improved methods
of irrigation, drainage and embankments and every other
means connected with agriculture. He wanted that every
cultivator should be furnished with his requirement of
machines, ploughs and harrows, improved breed of cattle and
an adequate supply of seeds, idants, etc., both of Europe and
Upper India . 68

Dhekial Phukan advocated importation of foreign tech-
nical know-how and foreign implements only at the initial
stage but not indefinitely. He wanted the people to be self-
reliant and to be entirely relieved of the necessity of relying
on foreigners for their implements. He maintained ; “No
nation can secure to itself the blessings and comforts of civi-
lized life until it has manufactures of it own ... No country
can rise to wealth and importance that is deficient or imper-
fectly versed in manufactures”. Hence he pleaded for the
establishment of a number of technical schools to impart ins-
tructions in useful branches of European manufactures. The
students should be taught in these schools to construct
implements of agriculture and other works of utility, viz., silk
and cotton cloths, utensils and other articles of daily use . 69

An ardent advocate of western education, Dhekial
Phukan laid stress on the necessity of raising the standard of
the two existing English schools by the recruitment of ade-
quate number of teachers duly qualified for the job. His
was the jirst voice of protest against the imposition of Bengali
as the medium of instruction in the schools and pleaded for
its replacement by Assamese ; the continuation of the foreign

67 Mills, Report on Assam; see Observations on the Administration
of Assam, Appendix J. p. xxxix.

c8 Ibid .

69 Ibid .

Anandaram-Apostle of the New Age

123

medium, he was convinced, was the most fomidable bar in
the progress of education of the Assamese pupils. He sug-
gested in addition publication of a series of books on various
subjects in Assamese, the establishment of a normal school for
the training of teachers and the introduction of a mobile
library of vernacular books for dissemination of information
to the masses. In spite of the ravages of sickness and malig-
nant diseases, Dhekial Phukan lamented, the people had little
knowledge of medical science', but they had firm faith in incan-
tations, charms and amulets. Orthodoxy of the age tabooed
medical profession. To begin with he wauled that the people
should be made familiar with the system of medicine deve-
loped by the Hindus in early times. At the same time, to
confer on them the benefits of Western Medical Science, he
suggested the establishment of district Medical Schools fur-
nished with necessary books and appliances. When the people
will realise the advantages of these institutions, he was con-
fident, they will not only cooperate but prosecute medical
studies as a profession . 70

Anandaram was the product of an age in which the con-
ception of “Indian nationalism was yet in embryo ”. 71 Till
then as S. N. Sen writes “To the Punjabi the Hindustani was
... a stranger, very few Bengalees realised that they belonged
to the same nation as men from Maharastra and the people
of central India and Rajputana did not acknowledge any bond
of kinship with the people of south ”. 72 Though Anandaram
was not a nationalist in the modern sense of the term, he was
intensely patriotic. His love for his country and countrymen
found eloquent expression when he prays :

O’ God the Gracious, lend such* mind to the people of Assam
by which they can make their country more civilized, learned and
virtuous : give them knowledge so that they may know their neces-
sities and miseries ; and by your wonderful power make them
cultured and make them know you and make them fit to carry
out your wishes.

70 Ibid.

71 Sen, S. N., Eighteen Fifty Seven , Pp. 411-2.

72 Ibid.

124

ENGLISH EDUCATION

He indeed dreamt of a noble dream

When Assam will be converted from a forest into a flower
garden, the canoes of the rivers will be converted into ships, bamboo
cottages will be replaced by buildings of stones and bricks ; when
there will be thousands and thousands of schools, educational gather-
ings, dispensaries, hospitals for the poor and the destitute ; and
when people, instead of entertaining jealousy will cherish love for
on*' another, none will give false evidence for two tolas of opium
and will rather throw aside lacs of rupees in such eases, when
no one will do mischief to others being offered bribes of crores of
rupees, prostitution, opium and wine will be unknown in the country,
that time O’ God the Almighty, father, bring about in no time. 73

He was not destined to live long to see the fulfilment of
his dream. His premature death at the age of about thirty
in 1859 was a terrible blow to his countrymen at a crucial
moment. Anandaram’s ideas and idealisms, above all his
intense patriotism, served as beacon light to the Assamese
youths for the next few generations.

73 Cited in Neog, D., New Light on the History of Asamiya
Literature , p. 369.

CHAPTER EIGHT

The Renaissance and Literature

The nineteenth century occupies a unique place in the
history of India. It broke the “splendid isolation' which had
hitherto “effectively shut up" the Indians from their contact
with the western world. Spread of English education and infil-
tration through it of western ideas brought forth revolutionary
changes in the outlook ol the Indian — social, religious and poli-
tical. Summarising the effects R. C. Majumdar writes :

There was a persistent demand for the lemoval of social
abuses and introduction of social reforms on modern lines ...
modern Indian literatures in tin* spoken languages in diiterent
localities had their hirth. The periodical literature was an innova-
tion with Jar-reaching consequences. The printing press made an,
epoch-making change in the spread of education among the people.
All these factors combined to generate among the Indians a strong
sense oi patriotism and nationalism which had ... transformed India
from the Medieval to the Modern Age. 1

During the process of transition the English-educated youths
wore carried away in Assam, as elsewhere,* by the strong cur-
rents of western culture. They became anglicised and adopted
not ouly western ideas but also dress, customs and manners.
“It has been my practice” Ilopkinson writes, “in receiving
natives clad ... after the European fashion, to regard them in

that respect as Europeans and require them to keep their shoes

•

1 Majumdar, R. C. (ed.), The British Paramounta/ and Indian
Renaissance , ii, Pp. 95-6.

* In Bengal, as Majumdar writes, “They became vrr\ much Angli-
cised and had inordinate fondness for ever> thing English. They adopted
western ideas and habits, dresses and mannerisms ; customs and usage's,
and openly indicated their repugnance to everything Indian. They spoke
in English, thought in English, and as humourously remarked by Bhudeb
Mukherjee, probably even dreamed in English”. I hid, p. 465.

126

THE RENAISSANCE AND LITERATURE

on”. 2 Since his return from Calcutta in 1845, Anandaram used
trousers, hat and shoes whenever he visited Europeans or
went out for a walk. 3 * Jagnoram Phukan went a step further.
As reported by White, “He makes no objection to dine with
Europeans and cats and drinks freely of what is put before him
... He procures a variety of wines and European delicacies from
Calcutta and his house at Gauhati is amply furnished with
chairs, tables, carpets, an organ, art glass lustres, and other
articles of English furniture.” 1 Even an orthodox family like that
of Dinanath Bezbarua, the father of Lakshminath Bezbaruah,
the doyen of Assamese litterateurs, had to connive at the new
hair-cut by his English-educated sons ignoring time honoured
customs of keeping a pig-tail while Lakshminath frankly
admitted in his autobiography that he dressed and behaved
like a European. 5 The silver lining was that in spite of west-
ernisation they were not entirely allergic to indigenous customs
and usages ; and since their number was exceedingly small they
could not form, as in Bengal or elsewhere, a distinct com-
munity of their own. Moreover, the changes were confined
to a limited number of families in the urban areas while in the
interior the common man continued to wrap himself with a
piece of cloth over his shoulders and a dhoti tied round his
waist.

The impact of Bengal on the life and culture of the
Assamese was also not small. The process which began since
the closing years of the Aliom rule continued without any break
till the close of the nineteenth century. In spite of their ani-

2 AS, 1867-8 ; Letters issued to government, vol. 35, (1867-8)
Hopkinson 28 September 1867.

3 Baniah Gunabhiram, Anandaram Dhekial Phukanar Jiban Charitra ,
Pp. 48-50.

1 Cited in Guba, A, “Impact of Bengal Renaissance on Assam”,
1825-75, in the Indian Economic and Social History Review , p. 292.

5 Goswami, J., (od), Mor Jiban Suaran by L. N. Bezbaruah Pp. 12,
18-9, 43, 88, 114 and 1-35.

Formerly, as E. W. Brown writes, “The men pluck their beards
and shaved their heads except a long tuft some six inches in the dia-
meter, about the crown, and this they twist into a small knot”. Brown,
E. W., The Whole World Kin , p. 356.

Cultural Impact of Bengal

127

mosity against linguistic domination, the intelligentsia was not
slow in adopting Bengali dress, customs, usages and even food
habits. To counteract the evils of westernisation, this was wel-
comed even by the orthodox section of the community who
felt proud to show their common heritage with their progres-
sive neighbours . 6 Assamese gentry were addressed as Babus
and the latter evinced an increasing fascination for the
punjabi, shawl and santipuri dhuti of Bengal. Assamese
students studying in Calcutta adopted choga-chapkan while the
ladies of the progressive families started wearing saris from
Bengal abandoning their traditional costumes . 7 Samachar
Darpan, Samachar Chandrika and Masik Patrika had readers
even in interior villages . 8 The worship of the deities like
Durga , Kali, Chandi , Annapurna, some of which were intro-
duced even during the later part of the Ahom rule, became
common not only in public but also in private residences occa-
sionally in the accompaniment of jatras or dance-drama parties
from Bengal. Musicians, drummers, dancers ( baijees ) began
to add attraction to the festivals and marriage ceremonies of
the well-to-do families . 9 Even the gossains or the priests of
some satras began to show a preference to foreign musical
instruments in lieu of the indigenous ones. What was worse,
there was evinced a sneering contempt amongst a section of
the elite towards Bihu dance and songs, the traditional spring
festival of the Assamese . 10

The impact of the west replaced the blind faith on age-
long beliefs, customs and conventions by a spirit of rationalism.

6 This was one of the arguments put forward by Chandra Mohan
Goswami, Member Asiatic Society Bengal, in his advocacy of retaining
Bengali in schools and courts in Assam, AS., Assam Commissioner, File
No, 471 ; see statement made by Balm Chandra Mohan Goswami.

7 The Assamese Baboos were ridiculed by the Mau in its poem
Bangalee Baboo , the earliest satire in Assamese literature. The Mau,
3rd issue, February 1887, p. 127 ; Baruah Gunabhiram Op.cit ., 67, 82-3 ;

8 Guha, A., Op.cit. , p. 289.

9 Barpujari, H. K., Assam : In the Days of the Company , p. 272.

10 Bhattacharjee, J.M. (ed.), Assam Buranji by Haliram Dhekial

Phukan, p. 103 ; Gohain Baruah, P. N., Mor Suarani , p. 82 ; Baruah
Gunabhiram, Assam Buranji , Pp. 202-3.

128

THE RENAISSANCE AND LITERATURE

Orthodoxy continued to be the order of the day, but its rigi-
dity gradually relaxed. Conservative Maniram bewailed : “By
the reduction of all castes to the same level, the people are
labouring under the deepest grief and mortification ” 11 The
biographer of Anandaram mentions that while proceeding to
Calcutta for higher education, Anandaram had not only to
take the family deity (. sola gram sila) with him but even a
Brahmin cook to prepare his meals in a foreign country. This
was not repeated on his second visit to the Presidency since
his stay at Metropolis had already changed his outlook. Assa-
mese pupils of the orthodox families were seen studying side
by side with the students of other (low caste) communities
which was at one time considered highly objectionable . 1 * 2
Learning of a foreign language or of going abroad were for-
merly social taboos. Even a social reformer like Hem Chandra
Baruah had to study English without the knowledge of the
members of his family. 1 * The outlook of the orthodox sec-
tions gradually changed and before the close of the century
students from the high caste Hindus were seen proceeding to
the Presidency for higher courses in English education.

The Assamese society was free from many of the social
evils practised in Bengal. The kulinism, self immolation of the
widows and infanticides were almost unknown while polygamy
and child marriage did not reach alarming proportions as pre-
valent in Bengal or other parts of the country. Assamese
women were held in the highest esteem in society, yet the
education of women was sadly neglected. Though Assamese
girls inherited from their mothers skill in spinning, weaving
and domestic works, no provision was made, public or private,
for their formal education. The daughters and wives of some
enlightfcned and affluent families received lessons at home on
rudiments of reading and writing, but the education of women

11 Mills, Report on Assam , see translation of a petition by

Monoeram, Appendix K.B. , p. LXXV.

12 Baruah Gunabhiram, Anandaram Dhekial Phukanar Jihan Charitra t
Pp. 35 and 42 ; Barpujari, H.K., Op.cit ., p. 272.

1; ‘ Neog, D., New Light on History of Asamiya Literature , p. 370.

Education of Women

129

was considered by the masses as dangerous and no one would
marry a girl if she could read and write. 14 Female education
naturally received attention of the English educated youths.
To create public opinion Haliram Dhekial Phukan wrote a
number of anonymous letters in the Bengali newspapers. 15
Anandaram not only advocated but took the lead in the edu-
cation of the female members of his family. 10 Concrete stops
were however taken by the Christian missionaries who not
only carried on a propaganda through their mouthpiece the
Arunodai but also set up a few' schools for girls. The first
Missionary School was started at Sibsagar by Mrs. Brown and
Mrs. Cutter in 1840 ; and this was followed up by the schools
set up by Bronson at Novvgong (1843) and Mrs. Barker at
Gauhati (1850) J7 . Reluctance of the high caste Hindus to send
their daughters to Christian schools compelled the mission-
aries to depend on “bazar girls'*. Mrs. Brown says : “as heathen
parents would not commit their children to the care of a
Christian teacher, our pioneer missions went out into the high-
ways and by-ways and sought the orphan and the homeless”. 1 s
Payment of fees in these circumstances was out of question ;
the missionaries had to depend on the bounties of the few
European settlers and mainly on resources of their own. In
addition to reading and writing instructions were imparted
in these institutions on sewing, knitting, spinning and domestic
works. 19

Following Wood’s Despatch of 1854, which laid stress on
education of women, the first government primary school for
girls w r as opened in 1860-1 at Sibsagar by its Deputy Inspector

14 M’Cosh, Topography of Assam, p. 26 ; Robinson, W., Descriptive
Account of Assam , p. 277.

15 Barpujari, H. K., Op.cit ., p. 283.

1 6 Barnah Gunabhiram, Op.cit p. 58.

17 Papers and Resolutions of the American Missionary Union , Jubilee
Conference , 1886, p. 184.

18 Ibid ; see Keeler, Miss Orreu, Womens Work Among the Assa-
mese Pp. 186-7.

19 Ibid .

9

130

RENAISSANCE

of Schools Utsabananda Goswami. 20 This was followed in the
next two years by the establishment of similar schools at
Gauhati and Nowgong. Despite endeavours subsequently made
by a number of liberal-minded Assamese and non-Assamese,
the progress of female education was distressingly slow. 21 In
1874-5, the total number of girls receiving primary education
was 857 and this showed that out of every 10,000 females the
percentage of literate stood at 4.33. Even in 1897-8, the
number of primary schools for girls for the province including
the hills was 235 with an enrolment of 3823 and the Middle
schools 3 with 235 pupils. 23 That the public was not enthu-
siastic for the spread of female education is evident from the
fact that at the close of the century although the number of
private institutions for boys rose to 91 the number of similar
institutions for girls was nil. 23 Explaining the difficulties in
the progress of female education, the Deputy Inspector of
Schools, Nowgong reported :

skill in weaving, cooking and husking paddy, is considered
greater accomplishments in a girl than all her knowledge in read-
ing, writing and arithmetic. Besides, a girl is a great help to her
mother attending to little babies, including other domestic works ...
to this a servant is necessary to attend her to and from the school. 24

In those days, material consideration, which was the prime
motive for the education of the boys, was totally absent in case
of the girls. Even the advocates of female education abhorred
the very idea of girls becoming doctors and lawyers after
taking higher degrees at the University; the utmost they
desired was that it should be confined to the three ITs and a
little knowledge of history and geography. 25 A writer in con-
temporary Mau argued, who will accept a woman as his wife,
if sitting along with a patient she feels his pulse, examines his

30 RPIB., 1862-3; Appendix A, p. 135.

21 Ibid ; 1863-4 ; Appendix A., p. 326.

22 GRPA., 1894-5 ; Section IV, Female Education.

23 Ibid.

24 GRPA., 1874-5; Op.cit.

25 The Mau , December 1886.

Remarriage of Widows

131

tongue, touches lower part of his body and make queries not
befitting her modesty so essential for a woman ? Western cul-
ture, higher education of women in particular, it was feared,
would produce a greater disaster than the invasion of the
Burmese in Assam. 20 In the absence of any propaganda or
organised public opinion, misconceptions like these continued
to persist till the early decades of the present century when
with the advance of western education and consequent widen-
ing of the mental outlook the education of women, including
higher education, received due attention of the public at
large.

About the same time, the problem of the Hindu widows
attracted the attention of the educated Assamese. Even in
the thirties of the nineteenth century, Jaduram Baruah, the first
lexicographer in Assam, despite orthodoxy of the age is said
to have not only advocated remarriage of the widows but
married a widow himself. 27 However, the greatest exponent
was Gunabhiram Baruah, a close relative of Anandaram, and
Hem Chandra Baruah, an eminent social reformer of the age.
Educated at the Hindu (Presidency) College and later a Brahmo
by faith, Gunabhiram was influenced by Iswar Chandra
Vidyasagar, the greatest social reformer of Bengal, at whose
instance the Government of India passed in 1856 Hindu Widows
Re-marriage Act (Act XV of 1856). Gunabhiram is said to have
had the chance of attending the first widow marriage celebrated
at the Sookca Street, Calcutta, and was also present in two
or three such ceremonies. 28 His study of a number of Bengali
dramas on the subject* might have prompted him to write
the first modern drama Ram Navami Natak wherein he made
the people to have a rethinking in encouraging perpetual
widowhood. Considering that exam’ple is better Chau precept
Gunabhiram married a widow, and his own daughter was

26 Ibid.

27 Sarmah, Benudhar, Arghawali, p. 110.

28 Neog, D., New Light on the History of Asamiya Literature , p. 376.
* Bengali dramas on the subject were — Dutta, U. C., Bhihaha

Bibaha , Mitra, R. M., Bidhaba Monoranjan.

132

RENAISSANCE

remarried after the death of her first husband . 29 In his Asamnja
Pihaha Paddhati ( Assamese Marriage System ) Hem Chandra
Baruah strongly advocated remarriage of the widows. He
argued that if a woman was debarred from remarriage why
would not the system be applicable to man also ? "Not to
speak of its sanction in the scriptures”, he writes, in his auto-
biographical sketch,

one can see that there is no harm in widow marriage even when
one comes to reason ... The revered Vidyasagar did not keep
quiet hy simply proving that widow marriage is sanctioned by
religious works of the Hindus, but he got his son married to a
widow. lie*, has drifted away in the current of age, but the foot-
prints which he has lett on the sands of time will remain lor ever
and never be lost. When will there be such a man in our country
who will follow his footsteps ? The echo resounds when ? 30

But this remained unanswered. The remarriage of the widows
made very little progress in Assam or elsewhere in India till
our own time.

The reforming zeal of the intelligentsia extended to
other evils in society. In an article Anek bia kara ajugut ( It
is wrong to marry many) in the Arunodai one "Sri Sonarchand”
bitterly attacked the prevailing system of polygamy. :n The
writer is believed to be no other than Hem Chandra Baruah.
The evils of too many marriages are reflected in Tini Chaini
(Three; Wives) the dramatical work of a later writer Bcnudhar
Rajkhowa. In his satire Bahire Rang-Chong Bhitare Koa -
Bhaturi ( externally pure, internally rotten ) Hem Chandra
exposed the vices of the Assamese society, particularly the
irreligious acts of the priestly classes. The vicious lives led
by the outsiders has been depicted in the Bangcd-Bangalani
Natak by Rudraram Bardoloi. Vices and superstitous bclefs
of the" Assamese find mention in Lakshminath Bezbaruali’s

Bhatlacharjce, JM., (ed). Ram Nat ami Natak, preface, p. 4.

30 Goswami, II.C., Asarniya Sahittjar Chaneki , iii. Part I, p. 177 ;
see English translation Neog, D., Op.cit., p. 374.

3 1 Gohain Baruah, P. N., Jibani Sangraha, i., p. 49.

* Sonar Chand means Gold Moon ; Hem implies gold, Chandra
means Moon.

Royal Commission on Opium

133

Kripabar Baruar Kakatar Topola and Kripabar Baruar
Obhotani.

Addiction to opium, which was eating into the very
vitals of the Assamese society, did not escape criticism of the
reformers. Referring to the dreadful effects of opium-eating
Hernchandra in his Kaniyar Kirtan writes,

Kepa Kani Bihar Ses
Kaniar Nai Gynar les
Hai llai Ki Ghor kies
Kaniai Khale Asom Des

[There is hardly any other more deadly poison than
opium. The opium-eaters are devoid of any wisdom.
Alas 1 Alas ! What a terrible misery. Opium is at the root
of the ruin of Assam. ]

Reference has already been made that the introduction
of Government opium and gradual enhancement of its prices
reduced opium-eaters to piteous misery. Though a loyal
servant of the government, Anandaram commented on the
opium policy of the government. 32 lie observed : “The tree
will grow so long as the root is not destroyed. The source
must be completely exhausted and the introduction of fresh
supplies (from) out of the country carefully suppressed”. He
was of course alive to the danger of a sudden and total aboli-
tion of the cultivation which will bring in loss of lives apart
from untold sufferings to the opium-addicts. To eradicate
the evil, he suggested to Mills total stoppage of government
opium and restriction of the cultivation of poppy subjecting
it to heavier assessment. Such a measure, he was hopeful,
would make the article “less abundant and more scarce”,
compelling thereby the old “to be sparing in its use” and the
young “less eager to become its pray”.'* 3 Appearing before the
Royal Commission on Opium in 1891, Gunabhiram demanded
its total abolition since the opium-eaters themselves felt, he

32 Mills, Report on Assam, see Dhekial Phukan, A., “observation on
the Administration of the Province of Assam’', Appendix /., p. XLIV.

33 /hid.

134

RENAISSANCE

added, that the term Kania ( opium-addict ) was a byword of
reproach. 31 His views received support of Haribilas
Agarwala, an enlightened opium-trader, who of course
wanted the abolition by gradual doses lest it might create
disturbances. 3,5 As the representative of the educated
Assamese Satyanath Borah opined that the drug should be
supplied only to those who cannot survive without its use. The
Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha headed by its President Jagannath
Baruah opposed immediate and total abolition on the ground
that such a measure would drive the opium-eaters to the use
of more harmful spirituous liquors. 3 0 As a result of the con-
flicting views, the Royal Commission ended in nothing, but
it roused public consciousness which led to the emergence of
Kami Nibarani Sablms in several districts to combat the opium
evil. 37

Renaissance in Assamese literature was brought about by
two forces — the activities of the Christian missionaries, mainly
the American Baptists, and the influence of renascent Bengal.
Not unoften the cross followed the British armies ; but in the
North-East Frontier the process of evangelisation was rather
slow. On the representation of Scott in 1829 a branch of the
Scrampur Mission under James Rae, was set up at Gauhati ;
but the missionaries could not make much headway in their
activities. In early 1835, with the object of pacifying the
frontier tribes, particularly the Kliamtis and the Singhphos,
Jenkins invited the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society
of Calcutta. The latter took the matter in right earnest and
despatched a mission under Nathan Brown and Oliver Cutter
with a printing press which arrived at Sadiya on 23 March
1836. 38 They were followed by Miles Bronson, who com-
menced fiis work among the Nagas at Namsang near Jaypur.

34 Report of the Royal Commission on Opium 1893-4, Vol. 2,
Pp. 186-8.

35 Ibid .

36 Ibid .

37 Gohain Baruah, P. N., Af or Suarani , Pp. 47 and 50.

38 Gamine], W., History of American Baptist Mission 1850, Pp. 212-3.

Early Christian Writers

135

Before long there also arrived A. H. Danforth, C. Barker, W. J.
Ward, and A. K. Gurney. The uprisings of the Khamtis in
1839 forced Brown and his party to move to Sibsagar while
on grounds of health Bronson, too, left the Nagas and settled
at Nowgong where he baptised the first Assamese convert
Nidhiram, later known as Nidhi Levi FarwelL 39

Propagation of Christianity amongst the backward masses
who were totally ignorant of English language compelled the
missionaries to study the vernaculars and to translate the
Bible. In lieu of earlier verse they resorted to prose as the
vehicle of information and expression. In addition to religious
texts, they wrote grammar, dictionaries and useful books.
Even before their arrival, with the aid of one Atmaram Sarmah
of Kaliabar in the present district of Nowgong, the mission-
aries published an Assamese version of the Bible from the
Serampur Press in 1813. In 1839 William Robinson published
the Grammar of Assamese Language . Bronson, Brown and
Nidhi Levi, the trio, laid the foundation of the modern Assa-
mese language. Bronsons monumental work Dictionary in
Assamese and English was published from tire Serampur Press
in 1867, the earliest of its kind till 1900. Prior to it Jaduram
Baruah compiled an Assamese-Bcngali Dictionary, but it
remained unpublished.* Brown published his Grammatical
Notice of the Assamese Language (1848), translated portions
of the New Testament (1850) — Mark, Matthew, Luke, and
John and collected a lot of Assamese manuscripts. For the
use of Assamese pupils Mrs. Brown, too, wrote a story book,
an arithmetic and a geography. A regular contributor to the
Arunodai Nidhi Levi is credited with the translation of the
Bharatiya Dandabidhi Ain and Natural Science in Familiar
Dialogue from Bengali (1855). “These general treatise on

3 9 Papers and Resolutions of the American Missionary Union , Op.cit.
Pp. 20-2.

* Compiled in 1839, this was presented to Major Jenkins who made
it over to the American Baptists at Gauhati. The system of orthography
of this work was adopted by Bronson in his dictionary ; Sarmah, S. N. ;
Asamiya Sahityar Itibritta , p. 212.

136

RENAISSANCE

science by Farwell together with other scientific tracts of the
missionaries laid the foundation of scientific vocables and
synonyms together with a flexible prose style for scientific
expression. 10 But the crowning achievement of the mission-
aries was the publication of the Arunodai , the first Assamese
monthly, devoted “to religion, science and general intelligence”.
First published in January 1846 and continued with occasional
breaks until 1882, Arunodai disseminated western thought and
learning, inspired the younger generation of the Assamese and
paved the way for an intellectual awakening.

Of the contributions made by other Christian writers,
mention may be made of S. R. Ward’s Anglo-Assamese Voca-
bulary (1864), II.B.L. Cutters Anglo- Assamese Phrases (1877),
A. K. Gurney's Kaminikanta (1877) and Mrs. Gurney's Fulmati
Aru Karuna Kanta (1877). For the spread of education they
wrote Barc-Matara , Pratham Kit up, Padartlui Vidtja , Pratham
Ganana, Dwitiya Ganana and story books like Afrikar Konwar,
Mauri Caoli , Egalar Bah , Dharmik Chaha, Rebir Kahini , Ram-
gotir Kahini and several others. 11

The Missionaries had thus contributions both in religious
and secular subjects ; but most of the works being translations,
they “lacked originality” and were “artificial” and even
“amusing for their perpetration of malapropisms”. 12 Nonethe-
less, they enriched Assamese literature by reintroducing words
which were out of use and even coining simpler and indigen-
ous words. They brought about the renaissance in Assamese
literature by opening the door to the west. The medieval out-
look with emphasis on spiritual and supernatural themes was
replaced by secular subjects and rational outlook and in its
train there came western literary forms — lyrics, dramas, sonnets,
novels, short stories and biographies. The Missionaries “not
only liberated the spirit of the Assamese from the bondage of
old-world ideas in the domain of thought, but they also re-

40 Baruah, B.K., Modern Assamese Literature , p. 4.

11 For Literary works of other Christian writers see Neog, D., New
Light on the History of Asamitja Literature , Pp. 345-6.

42 Baruah, B.K., Op.cit., p. 5.

Trinity in Assamese Literature

137

moved the confines of the language and made it quite suitable
lor modern use”. 43

Hemchandra, Gunabhiram and Anandaram, “The Trinity”
laid the foundation of modem Assamese language and literature
on a solid basis. Like Raja Rammolian Ray, Hemchandra
Bamah (1835-96) occupies a unique place in the evolution of
Assamese prose literature. Besides his literary works on the
removal of the abuses in Assamese society, he wrote for the
Assamese pupils — Adipath and Pathmala at a time when text-
books were the crying need of the hour*. He has been rightly
called the father of the modern Assamese language and litera-
ture for his two monumental works — the Grammar of the
Assamese language (1856) and Hem-Kos (1900), the earliest
standard Anglo-Assamesc Dictionary, containing etymology and
meaning of over 22,000 words. Gunabhiram Baruali (1835-97)
heralded the dawn of the new era by the publication of (i) the
Assam Buranji\ (1884), the earliest comprehensive history of
Assam on modern lines, both objective and analytical (ii) the
first Assamese modern drama Ham Navarni Natak (1857) (ili) the
first Assamese biography Anandaram Dhekial Phukanar Jiban
Charitra (1880) and (iv) the first Assamese journal the Assam
Handhu . In the hands of Gunabhiram Assamese prose instead
of being “an instrument for proselytisation” 14 reached its per-
fection while English style and syntax is evident in the writings
of Anandaram Dhekial Phukan (1821-59). The publication of
the Assamese Lorar Mitra in two parts (1859) by Anandaram

43 Neog, D., Op.dt., Pp. 360-1.

* He was awarded a reward of Rs. 1100 by the government for
these text-books in addition to the translation of Way to Health into
Assamese Asamiya Svasthar Niam. lie 'showed his ability as an editor
of the Anglo- Assamese weekly the Assam News (1882) which though
lasted for three years continued to be a source o( inspiration to his
successors.

f In the periodicals of the age Gunabhiram contributed a number
of illuminating historical articles — Assam- Atit am Vartaman ( Assam — its
past and present — Assam Bandhu ) Saumar Bhraman ( Travel of Upper
Assam -Jonaki ), Asamat Manor Sehchoa ( Last days of the Burmese in
Assam- Jonahi ) and Alikhit Buranji ( Unwritten History- Jonaki ).

44 Baruah, B.K., Op.cit p. 7.

138

BENAISSANCE

dispelled the belief that the Assamese people were incapable
of writing reading materials for the schools.

Reference has already been made to the strong plea made
by Anandaram in his Observation on the Administration of
the Province of Assam for the reinstatement of the Assamese in
place of Bengali in courts and schools of Assam. “We made
a great mistake” candidly admitted Mills “in directing that all
business should be transacted in Bengalee, and that Assamese
must acquire it ”. 45 Since it was too late to retrace it, he recom-
mended the suggestions made by Anandaram to the Council
of Education for its consideration. Whatever their ulterior
objectives, strongest support came from the Christian mission-
aries. Not only did they join hands with Anandaram and others
in urging the government to place Assamese in its rightful place
as the language of the courts and schools in Assam, but pre-
pared the ground for it by the production of a number of
works in Assamese, both original and translated on diverse
subjects. To strengthen the belief in the universal use and
ancient nature of language, Bronson remarked :

Assamese is the language usually spoken by the entire popu-
lation of the Brahmaputra Valley, and in most cases it is the only
medium of intercourse with the bordering hill tribes. There is
nothing to show that Assamese race and their language have not
t \isted in the valley from time immemorial ; and it is surprising
that during the change of rulers, the oppression and misrule in
which they have been subjected, there are no trace of any material
change in their language. 46

Reminding the injurious effect of the use of Bengali in
education A. H. Danforth wrote :

Thp boys are set to learning Bengalee ; they spend a year or
two in running over, parrot-like, unmeaning words and sentences,
without the slightest idea of what they read ... how could we
expect there should be either interest in education or advancement in
study ... this feature of education policy ... (is) destructive of the
highest motive of education, and must necessarily cripple the

45 Mills, Opxit , p. 28, para 92.

46 Cited in Neog, D., Op.cit., p. 347.

Assamese Versus Bengali

139

advancement of the schools, as well as separate them from the
sympathies of the people. 47

Notwithstanding these observations the authorities in
Calcutta remained unconcerned to this vital issue under the
impression that “Assamese was only patois of the Bengalee
language and had no literature of its own”. This was force-
fully refuted by “a Native” who was no other than Anandaram
in a pamphlet, A Few Remarks on the Assamese Language
published in 1855 at the Baptist Mission Press, Sibsagar.
Exhibiting therein his mastery over English, Bengali, Hindi and
Assamese, Dhekial Phukan pointed out that out of 287 words
in an Assamese passage, 112 were entirely different from
Bengali, 98 derived from Sanskrit and only 77 had some resem-
blance with the Bengali Language. The appendix at the end
containing a list of Assamese Literature of sixty two religious
and over forty dramatic works proved beyond doubt that
Assamese had a literature of their own. 48

Convinced of the separate identity and growing standard
of Assamese language, Colonel J. C. Haughton, the officiating
Commissioner, recommended that Assamese should be made
the language of the courts. This was not acceptable to the
government of Bengal although civil officers serving in Assam
were required, hereafter, to pass in Assamese as their counter-
parts in Bengal were to pass in Bengali. 49 Apprehending this
to be the first step in the process of Assamisation, the opposi-
tion mustered strong and endeavoured to thwart it by all
possible arguments. It was represented 'that the European
functionaries had no alternative but to make Bengali the court
language since there were too many dialects current in Assam ;
that Bengali was intelligible to the ftiasses ; that the gentry of
Assam were descendants of persons who migrated from Bengal

47 Mills, Op.cit., see Danforth's statement, Appendix /, V. XXXVIII-
IX.

48 Neog, D., Op.ciL, p. 350.

40 AS., Assam Commissioner, File No. 471, Assamese Language
1862-73 ; Resolution General Department, 19 April, 1873.

140

RENAISSANCE

and who brought with them the language of their own, and
that

Sankar Dev, Madhav Dev, Raines war Sharina and others ... the
earliest writers in the Assamese language must have been either
Bengalees, anil therefore they must have written in the language
of their own country, their books by frequent transcription have
lost their original peculiarities and have been modified to the
peculiarities of Assamese dialects. 50

Reference has already been made to the circumstances
that led to the adoption of the language of the courts in Assam*.
There is every reason to believe that a section of the Assamese
might have migrated from Upper India or even from Bengal,
but the contention that early litterateurs and reformers of
Assam hailed from Bengal is entirely baseless. Admitting that
the gentry of Assam were emigrants from Bengal, there is hardly
any justification in imposing their language on the majority
against their wishes. The argument that Bengali was under-
stood by all section of the Assamese people was also false.
In fact the language that was used in courts and schools in
Assam was not Bengali, but

a mongrel language, a spurious compound ol Bengalee, Assamese
and Urdu — which no Assamese can speak or understand and which
even a Bengalee, it fresh from his own country would require time
to master. 51

Yet this was taught in indigenous schools, not because, as
a contemporary official expressed,

puplis will ever talk in Bengali ; but because it is the language of
the courts and offices, and a smattering of it theielore a “.sine qua
non” for all who hope one day to obtain emplo\ment under
Government. 52

The* arguments put forward by the pro-Bengal elements
w'ere ably refuted in a memorial signed by 134 educated Assa-

50 Ibid., see statement of Babu Chandra Mohan Goswami, teacher
High School, Gauhati.

* See ante. Pp. 62-3.

51 Ibid., Phillips, A., to the Commissioner of Assam, 21 May 1872.

32 Ibid., Memorial of Bronson and 133 others, 9 March 1872.

Assamese-Language of the Court and Schools

141

mese headed by Bronson on 9 March 1872. 53 Sir George
Campbell, the Lieutenant Governor, was told that the autho-
rities in Calcutta had so far failed to do justice to the Assamese
mainly because their ignorance of the Assamese or Bengali
language had made them to rely on their Bengali subordinates
— persons naturally averse to introduction of Assamese in the
courts and schools in Assam. The memorialists never failed to
convince the Lieutenant Governor that the demands made by
the Assamese were reasonable ; that “Assamese was still the
vernacular of the people”, “it is taught in Missionary school”,
and that “there arc books and Dictionary published in the
Assamese language”. Since the general policy of the Govern-
ment of India was the adoption of vernacular in the courts,
Campbell argued, there could hardly be any valid reason against
the introduction of the Assamese in the courts. Before arriving
at a final decision on the subject, he calk'd upon the Com-
missioner of Assam to give his views on the subject in consul-
tation with the Deputy Commissioners of the district. 53

In his reply, Henry Hopkinson, the Commsioner of Assam,
was decidedly in favour of the retention of Bengali and so
also wore the views of those officers who were in the province
for a short time, blit the Deputy Commissioners who had
practical experience, almost all of them pleaded for substitu-
tion of Assamese for Bengali. 51 Unhesitatingly, George
Campbell decided on 9 April 1873 that Assamese be intro-
duced in the courts and schools in the valley of the
Brahmaputra subject to the condition that “when a class of
twelve or more boys wish for it, Bengalee may be separately
taught them as a language”. To meet the difficulties arising
out of the paucity of text books,, particularly in the upper
classes of higher schools, provision was made that “every
subject in which where there is an Assamese book is to be;
taught in Assamese ; subjects in which Assamese school books

53 Ibid., Bernard, C., Officiating Secretary, Government of Bengal ti>
the Commissioner of Assam, 17 May 1872.

54 Ibid .

142

RENAISSANCE

do not exist, can be taught either in Bengalee or in
English” 55

Thus the controversy over the language was over and
the victory was on the side of the Assamese elite. But to
follow up the successes demanded rejuvenation and strength-
ening of the Assamese language and literature by the produc-
tion of literary works particularly reading materials for the
pupils at different levels in schools. The task posed to be a
formidable one for the number of Assamese litterateurs and
even the educated could be counted on fingers. This was
borne out by the fact that only a limited number of Assamese
authors competed for prizes in text-books declared by the
government and even those submitted barring two were
found unsuitable. 50 Even in 1881, as reported by J. Wilson,
the Inspector of Schools, the position remained more or less
the same. 57 At one stage, the Commissioner of Assam reques-
ted the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal to give a second
thought over the whole issue with the remark “it will be a
priceless boon to the cause of education in Assam if you
could prevail upon the Government to reinstate Bengalee as
the proper medium of inscription for our Assamese schools”. 58

To the English-educated Assamese it was indeed a big
challenge, but they rose up to the occasion. The establishment
of the Asamiya Bhasa Unnati Sadhini Sabha or Assamese
Language Improving Society on 25 August 1888 by a few
Assamese students in Calcutta is a landmark in the history of
Assamese language and literature. Amongst its earlier
members, mention may be made of Ramakanta Barkakoti,
Chandra Kumar Agarwala, Lakshminath Bezbaruah, Ananda
Chandra Gupta, Kanaklal Baruah, Ilemchandra Goswami,
Padmanath Gohain Baruah, Upendra Nath Baruah and

5* Ibid.

40 The books found suitable were those of Ilemchandra Baruah and
his brother Tulsiram Baruah. See Neog, D. # Op.cit Pp. 35-7.

57 GRPA., 1881-2 ; p. 59 of the thirteen books submitted to the
Text-Book Committee, only three were found suitable.

58 Cited in Neog, D. f Op.cit., p. 357.

Asamiya Bhasa Unnati Sadhini S abha

143

Laksheswar Sarmah. 50 The comprehensive scheme which the
society chalked out in its first sitting at 37, Mirzapur Street,
Calcutta, envisaged

to invite attention of the authorities of the Education Department
of Assam to see that Assamese is actually employed in all grades
of schools in Assam and that Assamese children have all facilities
to study their own mother tongue ; to remove all grammatical and
orthographical anomalies and to use correct forms of speech instead,
to move authorities to use suitable works removing the delcctive
ones ... to remove wants of our language by translating from
Sanskrit or other languages ... to promote interest for newspapers;
and to create a standard language all through Assam. 60

To carry out its activities effectively branches of the
society were set up at Kohima, Dibrugarh, Sibsagar, Nowgong.
Tezpur, Barpeta, Jorhat, North Lakhimpur and Gauhati,
although the headquarters continued to be located at Calcutta.
By 1893 the membership of the Society rose to 123. It had
brought out a comprehensive list of Assamese books (1895),
edited Lora Sikshsa II by Panindra Nath Gogoi, translated
Longfellows "Psalm of Life” and collected funds for the
publication of Hcmchandra Baruah’s Anglo- Assamese Diction-
ary. fiT The emergence of the Jonaki in February 1889, an
Assamese monthly, as the unofficial mouthpiece of the Society
ushered in a new era in Assamese literature. As Dimbeswar
Neog says : "The Orunodai and the Jonaki were practically
the organs of the two movements, the former against the usur-
pation by the Bengali (language) and the latter for the re-
coronation of the Assamese after her restoration”. 62

Edited successively by Chandra Kumar Agarwala, Hem
Chandra Goswami and Lakshminath Bezbaruah, like the Bariga -
darshan , the Jonaki became the forum of a group of eminent
writers who were instrumental in bringing about a renaissance
in Assamese literature in the closing years of the nineteenth

50 The Bijuliy 1893 ; Report of the Secretary, Executive Committee,
Pp. 155 ff.

60 Cited in Neog, D., Op.cit., p. 391.

61 The Bijuli, 1893; Op.cit .

62 Neog, D., Op.cit .

144

RENAISSANCE

century. 03 They were inspired to a great extent by their
counterparts in Bengal — Biharilal Chakravarty, Hemchandra
Chattopadhyaya, Nabin Chandra Sen, Madhusudan Datta and
Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya — who were in turn influenced
by English literature “in their approach and attitude, subject
and content, and also style and diction”. 64 Western literature
Brought in its train romanticism then revived in England by
Wordsworth, Coleridge, Byron, Shelley and others. The new-
wave of romanticism emphasised amongst others love of
nature, romantic love, adoration of beauty, humanism, sym-
pathy for the common place, glorification of the past, patri-
otism and love of the country. Renaissance in Assamese
literature \vliich had its beginning with the American Baptists
reached its culmination in the Jonaki Age .

Impact of the west resulted in the growth of lyric poetry
in Assamese literature*. Bliolanatli Das (1858-1919) in his
poems Megh and Kiyano Najage Amar Man brings in “the
message of the ticw age”. The influence of Michael
Madhusu dan’s use of blank verse is apparent in his S ita-Ilaran
Kavya as well as in his contemporary Ramakanta Choudhury's
(1846-89) Ahhimanyu Badha Kavya . The florescence of the
Assamese romanticism actually began with Chandra Kumar
Agarwala (1867-1938), the founder-editor of the Jonaki. In his
two collections of poetical works Pratima and Bin Baragi , the
salient features of romanticism are clearly noticeable — love ol
nature ( Niyar , Ban-Kunwari, Jal Kumvari ), adoration of beauty
(Sundar, Saundarya), humanism {Manav -Bandana, Bisua
Bhawariya), revolutionary spirit ( Bin-Baragi ) and love for the
poor and downtrodden ( Tezimala ). But the outstanding lite-
rary figure of the Jonaki Age was Lakshminath Bezbaruah (1868-
1938). Born and brought up in an orthodox Brahmin family
of Upper Assam, Lakshminath had his higher education at the

63 For further studies see Neog, M., Asamiya Sahityar Ruparekha
Pp. 261-67 ; Sarmah, S. N., Asamiya Sahityar Itibritta , Pp. 236-40.

64 Tarachand, History of the Freedom Movement in India , ii, p. 591.

* For further studies see Baruah, B.K., Modern Assamese Literature,
Chapter II.

Renaissance in Assamese Literature

145

Hindu College at a time when under the influence of English
education a literary revolution was in progress in Bengal. A
poet, journalist, essayist, dramatist, and humourist, Lakshminath
is acknowledged as the uncrowned king of Assamese literature.
He was at his best as a writer of ballads, nature-poems and
love-lyrics. Evidence of Assamese romanticism is seen in his
poems in Kadamkali while he reveals himself as a patriot in
some of his songs and poems. Another literary stalwart of the
age was Hemchandra Goswami (1872-1928) whose Priyatamar-
Chithi ( A letter from the Beloved ) is the earliest sonnet written
on the models of Milton, Shakespeare and Petrarch. Mention
may be made of two other sonneteers — Hiteswar Barbaruah
(1876-1939) ( Malach , Chakula) and Durgeswar Sartnah (1885-
1961) ( Anjali , Nibedan ). Barbaruah showed his literary genius
as a writer of Assamese Kavtjas in blank verse. Though he
modelled his works after Michael Madhusudan and Nabin
Chandra Sen he chose his themes from the historical anecdotes of
Assam. Of these mention may be made of Kamatapur Dhvarnsa
Kavya (1912), Birahini Bilap Kavya (1912), Tirotar Atmadan
Kavya (1913), Juddha Kshctrat AJiom Ramani Kavya (1915).

Modern Assamese drama had its beginning, as mentioned
already, with Ounabhiram’s Ram Navami Natak, Hemchandra
Baruah’s Kaniyar Kirtan and Rudraram Bardoloi’s Bangal-
Bangalani Natak . Introduction of acts and scenes, asides,
soliloquies and blank verse are some of the techniques in
modern dramas. Under inspiration of Shakespearean dramas
Assamese playwrights directed their -attention to tragedies.
In 1880, Assamese rendering of Shakespeare’s Comedy of
Errors, Bhramaranga , was made by the Assamese residents in
Calcutta.* Bezbaruali admitted that he had modelled some of
the characters in his Chakradlnvaj Sfngha (Priyaram, Gajpuria),
after Henry IV (Prince Hall, Falstaff). 05 Likewise, influence of

♦This was followed by the translation of As You Like It bv
D. Sarmah, Cymbcline by A. P. Goswami, Troilus and Cressida, King
Lear and Taming of the Shrew by N. C. Bardoloi, Romeo and Juliet by
P. D. Chaliha and Merchant of Venice by A. C. Hazarika.

65 Saikia, C. (ed.), Lakshminath Bezbaruah p. 197.

10

146

THE RENAISSANCE AND LITERATURE

Othello is evident in Benudhar Rajkhowa’s Seuti-Kiran (1894).
Influence of Michael Madhusudan is again discernible in
Chandradhar Baruah’s (1874-1961) two dramas in blank verse —
Meghnad-Badh ( 1904) and Tilottama-Sambhava (1926).
Benudhar Rajkhowa's Kuri Scitikar Sabhyata (1908) attacked half-
educated westernised youths while Tini Ghaini (1928), Asikshita
Ghaini (1912) and Topanir Parinam (1932) sought to eradicate
the evils of the Assamese society. Social life of the Assamese
middle class employees in the European tea-gardens has been
brilliantly portrayed in Durga Prasad Majindar Baruah's farci-
cal drama Mahari (1896). Padmanath Gohain Baruah (1871-
1946) has to his credit as many as eight dramas, both historical
and farcical ; of these Gaonhurah (1897), like Dinabandhu
Mitra’s Nila-Darpan, depicts the corrupt practices of the under-
lings of the British government in the closing years of thef
nineteenth century.

Impact of the west brought in its wake new literary forms
in prose literature — novels, essays and short stories. A. K.
Gurney's Kaminikanta (1877), though scriptural in tone, may
be regarded as the first modern Assamese novel. Mrs.
Gurney’s Phulmani Aru Karima is merely a translation of a
Bengali novel of the same title. Religious overtone which mar
the social content of these Christian writers' novels was absent
in Sudharmar Upaklnjan (1880) of Padmavati Devi Phukanani,
the daughter of Anandaram Dhekial Phukan. Full-fledged
modern novel emerged with Padmanath Gohain Baruah's
Bhanumati (1891) and Lahori (1892). Under the inspiration of
Sir Walter Scott, like Bankim Chandra, Rajani Kanta Bardoloi
(1867-1939) wrote a series of historical novels — Monomati
(1900), Dandua Droll (1925), Nirmal Bhakat (1926) and
Rahdoi-JLigiri (1930) depicting the political and social life of
the Assamese during the period of civil strife and Burmese
invasions of Assam. Bardoloi's work, B. K. Baruah remarks,
“endures for its depth of Philosophic comment, descriptive
power, fidelity to life, creative imagination and charm of style". 66

66 Baruah, B. K., Op.cit., p. 74.

Renaissance in Assamese Literature

147

As a writer of the Assamese prose Lakshminath Bezbarnah
is unrivalled. Like Bankim Chandra, he was both “a path-
finder and a path-maker”. The series of essays he wrote on
diverse subjects under the caption — Kripabar Baruar Kakatar
Topola (1904) and Kripabar Baruar Obhotani (1909) are master-
pieces in Assamese satire. Satyanath Borah (1860-1925) has
a style of his own marked by originality in thought, ‘‘direct-
ness, epigrammatic brevity and concentrated wisdom of
aphorisms”. 67 Padmanath Gohain Baruah showed his excellence
as a prose writer in his S hri Krishna . Invaluable contributions
had been made by Gohain Baruah, Panindra Nath Gogoi and
several others for the spread of education by writing text-
books for Assamese pupils. An antiquarian to his core,
Hemchandra Goswami’s solid contribution was his compila-
tion Typical Selections from Assamese Literature in several
volumes. Another forceful writer of the age was Kamalakanta
Bhattacharya (1853-1936) whose essays like Gutidiijek Chintar
Dhau raised a voice of protest against social inequalities,
priestly domination, caste system and antiquated customs,
institutions and usages of the day.

Modern short story which differs from old-talcs and myths
both in style and structure had its birth in the Jonaki Age and
herein, too, Bezbarnah was the pioneer. In his Sadhu Kathar
Kuki (1910), Suravi (1912) and Jonbiri (1913), he has master-
fully portrayed the social life of the Assamese middle class and
the peasantry — their joys and sorrows, hopes and fears and
strength and weaknesses. Sarat Chandra Goswami has also
showed his talent as a short story writer in his Galpanjali
(1914) and Mayna (1920). Of the other writers in this field,
mention may be made of Lakshmi Nath Phukan ( Mala — 1918),
Nakul Chandra Bhuyan (Chorang Chowar Chora — 1918) and
Dandinath Kalita ( Sadhana — 1930).

Western romanticism stimulated patriotic ardour and the
spirit of revivalism in Assamese literature both in poetry and
prose. Stress was laid initially on unfolding of the rich heri-

G7 Ibid., p. 89.

148

THE RENAISSANCE AND LITERATURE

tage of the past by the collection and publication of materials,
literary or otherwise, lying scattered and uncared for in-
different parts of the province. The process started with
Nathan Brown was followed up by Haribilas Agarwala,
Kaliram Baruah, Sibanath Bhattacharya, Hemthandra Goswami,
Kaliram Medhi and several others. Through the pages of
Assam Bandhu, Jonaki , Bijuli , Banhi , Alochani , Gunabhiram
Baruah, Ratneswar Mahanta, Rajani Kumar Padmapati, Kanaklal
Baruah, Sonaram Choudhury threw light on aspects of the
history and culture of Assam. Hemchandra Goswami’s collec-
tion of over two hundred manuscripts, both Sanskrit and
Assamese, and his publication of the Purani Assam Buranji ,
Darrang Raj Vansavali and particularly A Descriptive Cata-
logue of the Assamese Manuscripts in several volumes laid the
foundation of Assamese history on a firm basis. E.A. Gait’s
claim as the father of the History of Assam, by and large, rests
on collections made by late Goswami. The subsequent esta-
blishment of the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samiti and editing
and publication of a series of Assamese chronicles by S. K.
Bhuyan, both in Assamese and English, has created increasing
interest in Assam’s history and civilization amongst scholars
in India and abroad.

Kamalakanta Bhattacharya was the literary prophet of
patriotism and nationalism. One would find in his poems
glorification of the past, rebellion against social evils and
vindication of national honour. His intense patriotism which
was “burning within himself” found eloquent expression in
his poetical works Chintanal (1890) and Chintatarangini (1933).
In his poem Paharani ( Forgetfulness ), in order to rouse the
dormant spirit of his countrymen he reminds them of their
glorious' past which was then in oblivion. Like Dayananda
Saraswati, he believed that Aryans were the torch-bearers of
world civilization and that at one time the land of Aryabarta ,
the home of Aryans, was the centre of world civilisation. He was
hopeful of a bright luture and that day will arrive when there
Will be born hundreds of Mazzinis
From out of neglected stones

Renaissance in Assamese Literature

149

And hundreds of Garibaldis , too
To shed lustre on the soil of India 68
Lakshminath Bezbaruah reveals himself as a patriot in his
poems and songs — Mor Dos , Asam Sangit, Bin Baragi and
Amur Janmabliumi. In his poetical works Ambikagiri Ray
Choudhury (1885-1967) not only emerges as a fighter for
country’s freedom but a crusader against social inequalities,
oppression, exploitation, meanness, selfishness that pervaded
the social life of the Assamese. He unfurls the standard of
revolt in his poem Moi Viplavi Moi Tandavi (1 am a rebel, 1
am a Nihilist ). His Satadhar , a revolutionary booklet, was
banned soon after a few copies of it were circulated while
his dramatical work Bandini Bharat was seized by the Police
before it was sent to the press/ 0 In his Agnimantra ,
Prasannalal Choudhury, a later writer, carries forward revo-
lution and in the words of Hem Baruah, an eminent litterateur,
‘enlivens the dying embers of A. G. Ray Choudhury with a
passion”. 70 The spirit of revivalism was echoed and re-echoed
in the poems of Binanda Chandra Baruah ( Sankhadhvani )
Jyoti Prasad Agarwala ( Bharat- Janamabhumi, Uddudhan ) Atul
Hazarika ( Devi ne Rakshashi ) and a few others.

68 Cited in Baruah, B. K., Modern Assamese Literature , p. 10.

60 Satadhar was published anonymously. The author was therc-
tore prosecuted and fined rupees one hundred under section 12 of the
Press and Registration of Books Act. Home Political (Simla Records) ;
File No. 112 of 1925 ; see Fortnightly Reports for February, 1925.

70 Baruah, Hem, Assamese Literature , p. 176.

CHAPTER NINE

The Press And Political Associations

The growth and development of the press or journalism in
Assam was the outcome of the introduction of printing press
in the province in the forties of the nineteenth century. The
Arunodai , the first Assamese monthly, was published, as
mentioned already, from the American Baptist Mission Press
at Sibsagar in 1846. Prior to it accounts of the events of Assam
appeared mostly in newspapers of Bengal. In tlje beginning
Indian and non-Indian residents of Assam used to send letters
to the editors of newspapers and periodicals in Calcutta
which in addition to their individual opinion cm a particular
issue contained useful information with regard to the deve-
lopments in the province. The editors in their turn took great
interest in publishing their letters and often abided personal
remarks in the form of small notes. The Friend of India in
its issue of 22 March 1838 in addition to correspondents’ own
observations threw a flood of light on the annexation of
Upper Assam and on the rule of Raja Purandar Singha.
Similar news and observations had been published even in
vernacular papers like Samachar Darpan , Samachar Chan -
drika and Sanjihani .

For fear of incurring displeasure of the government the
Arunodai , hardly published anything offensive to the govern-
ment even on matters affecting the interests of the ryots.
Its tone was generally religious and sectarian. The news-
papers like the Dacca Neves and the S omprakasli nevertheless
continued to draw attention of the government through their
columns to matters relating to public interests in Assam. In
1867, the Somprakash in its several issues advocated adminis-

Assamese Journalism , its beginnings

151

trative changes in Assam to develop her vast untapped
resources. 1 The paper commented on the new rules limiting
right of appeal of the common man to higher courts in certain
Civil Suits and suggested that in a Non-regulated province like
Assam the judges and pleaders be appointed only after their
passing qualifying examinations. It protested against fre-
quent re-assessment which compelled the ryots to migrate to
areas where revenue was lower making difficult thereby for
the mouzadars the collection of revenue. 2 3

The closing years of the nineteenth century may be
regarded as the formative period of Assamese journalism.
During this period, as recorded in a note submitted by Hem
Chandra Goswami to the Department of Ethnography in
Assam, there appeared and disappeared, over a dozen of news-
papers and periodicals in different parts of the province. 1 Of
these The Assam Bilashini , published in 1871 from the
Dharmaprakash Press, Auniati Satra, district of Sibsagar,
though devoted to religious matters contained useful know-
ledge and information. The weekly Assam Mihir (1872) and
Assam Darpan (1874) went out of circulation within a year or
so after publication. Similar was the fate of the Goalpara
Hitasadhini in Bengali, Chandrodoy and Assam Dipika. The
Ariglo-Assamesc weekly Assam Neics (1882) published from
Gauhati under the able editorship of Hem Chandra Baruali
raised the standard of journalism in Assam by circulating not
only useful knowledge and information but also discussing
problems of common interest with the object of creating
public opinion. 4 Likewise the Man or The Bee (1886), though

1 Somprakash , 22 July 1867, 30th issue, Pp. 564-6.

2 Ibid 5 August 1867 ; 38th issue, Pp. 606-7 ; 12 August, 39th
issue, Pp. 623-4.

3 Gait, E. A., Report on the Progress of Historical Research in Assam,
1897 ; see Appcndix-C.

4 With respect to the tone of this paper, the Commissioner of
Assam remarked in the Administrative Report of 1883-4 : "This news-
paper no doubt represents the views at any rate of its conductors,
contributors and subscribers ... Its tone contrasts, I think, favourably
with the native press of Lower Bengal. With the exception of some

152

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

short-lived, held advanced and progressive views on burning
topics of the day. It opined that the existing system of nomi-
nation in the Local Boards had made these bodies a part ot
the bureaucracy, and that the system of nomination should bo
replaced by election to train up the people in the art of
representative government. It commented severely the
slavish mentality of the educated youths for their hankering
after white-collared jobs and condemned the anti-Bengali
feeling that was then rife in the Assam Valley and strongly
felt that the interest of the country demanded unity and amity
irrespective of the caste, creed and community. 5

The Assam Bandhu edited by Gunabhiram Baruah
appeared in 1885 as a monthly journal from Nowgong. Dis-
seminating scientific and useful information, the journal aimed
at widening the mental outlook of the Assamese then moving
in a narrow groove. “We don’t want to interfere in politics”
said the editor, because “we arc inexperienced in it”. 6 Jji a
similar tone Chandra Kumar Agarwala, the editor of the
Jonaki (1889), explained the object of his journal ; “politics is
outside our purview. In a dependent state social welfare is
more important”. Though non-political in character, by bring-
ing about a literary awakening, these journals indirectly con-
tributed in rousing the national consciousness of the Assamese.
With the growth of public opinion, political and national
problems attracted the attention of the Assamese editors.
Padmanath Gohain Baruah, the forceful editor of the Bijuli
(1891), in a series of articles entitled ‘Political articles’
emphasised the significant role to be played by the newspaper
as the connecting link between the government and the
governed. In his view

recent criminal cases in the Sibsagar district in which the Europeans
were concerned, I find, nothing in this newspaper calculated to foster
ill-feeling between the natives and the Europeans”.

3 The Mau , December 1886, January 1887.

6 Cited in Talukdar, N., Sambad Patrar Rod Kasialit Asamiya
Sahitya , Pp. 98-9.

7 Ibid., Pp. 118-9.

Journalism in the Surma Valley

153-

. . . for fear of offending the government, not to speak ot
government servants, even civilians never write any tiling on poli-
tical affairs. Discussions on these through the columns ol news-
papers is helpful to the rulers and the ruled. The more the people
write on political matters the more it would he conducive to the
good of the government and thereby to the welfare of the nation. 8

The Assam , an Assamese Weekly, published from Gauhati in
1894 was “national in tone” but it was The Advocate of
Assam (1904-7), edited by Mathuramohan Baruah, that actually
stood for nationalism, Swadeshi and Swaraj. So also was the
Assam Bilashini edited by Krishna Kanta Bhattacharya which
appeared in 1914, but ceased to exist following repressive
measures of the government in the wake of the Non-coopera-
tion movement. The case was otherwise with Assam Banti
(1900) and the planter’s mouthpiece the Times of Assam
(1895) ; both of these weeklies were moderate in tone. Under
the able leadership of Radhanath Changknkoti and his suc-
cessors for over half a century The Times of Assam rendered
yeoman’s service to the growth of public opinion in
Assam.

In the eighties there existed three papers in the Surma
Valley — The Paridarsak , a Bengali fortnightly and later (1886)
weekly, The Srihatta Mihir (1889) and The Silchar (1886).
Moderate in tone, these papers were more of "a local intelli-
gence than a political publication” circulating local news and
cuttings from Calcutta papers. 10 The Srihattabasi which
appeared in 1893 amalgamated next year with the Paridarsak
and became Paridarsak-o-Srihattabasi but discontinued its
publication in 1898. In 1900 Paridarsak was revived, and
there also appeared the Srihatta* Dar pan and the Weekly
Chronicle . The latter had the same influence in the districts
of Cachar and Sylhet as the Times of Assam in the Assam
Valley. The extremist organs the Deshabarta and the
Prafa-Sakti published during the period of partition agitation

8 The Bijuli , second year, second issue, 1892.

9 Gait, E. A.. Op.cit.

10 Assam Administration Report , 1892-3 Fart B ; p. 218, para 430.

154

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

from Sylhet were “notorious for their scurrilous tone ”. 11 The
Deshabarta was not only warned but made to pay a security
for publishing a letter denouncing the administration of police
in the district of Sylhet . 12

The Assamese Press, whether English or vernacular, though
in general moderate in tone never failed in making comments
on acts of governments adversely affecting the interest of the
masses. The Advocate of Assam published from time to time
articles even condemning the policy of the government as
“unsympathetic and retrograde ”. 13 The paper strongly
denounced the existing land laws of Assam since they denied
the cultivators permanent rights over lands. “The ryot”>
explained the paper, “cannot now look upon his land as
something which he permanently owns ; he feels no abiding
interest in it and cares not to improve it to the extent he would
have otherwise done .” 14 Even The Times of Assam traced the
poverty and degraded condition of the Assamese ryots to their
being debarred from participation in the benefits of the per-
manent settlement and urged remedial measures at the earliest
opportunity . 13 Suggestions wore often made by Assam papers
that the electorates of the Local Boards in Assam should be
composed of men who possessed some educational qualifica-
tions and not by the g aonburahs who were, according to The
Times of Assam, “Creatures of the Mouzadars and had hardly
any pretension of education”. 1 ® The Assamese Press never
ceased to protest against the employment of non-Assamese in
educational services and demanded Assamese headmasters for
Assamese schools and lost no opportunity in pointing out the
successes of schools under Assamese management. Even

t

11 IIPB., August 1913, No. 04; Report on the Native-owned English
and Vernacular Newspapers of Eastern Bengal and Assam for the year
1910.

12 Ibid.

13 ihicl.

11 Ibid., June 1912, No. 74 ; see Report for the year 1911.

ls Ibid.

16 Ibid., August 1911, No. 64; see Report for the year 1910.

Assamese Press : Its Observations

155

Assamese members of the Legislative Council were not above
the criticism of the local Press. A Sibsagar correspondent of
the The Times of Assam in its issue of 24 June 1911 dispara-
gingly remarked that they were not fulfilling the trust entrusted
to them inasmuch as they had concentrated their attention
exclusively on the welfare of Kammp and Nowgong. 17

The Assamese Press directed its attention not merely to
local needs and requirements, but took interest in national
and international affairs. Welcoming Morlcy-Minto reforms.
The Times of Assam with its pro-government leanings
remarked : “if the reforms will not be able to reconcile the
irreconcilables, we do not know what will. In that case the
fault will not lie with the government”. 18 With reference to
the Turko-Italian War (1911-12) the same paper doubted
whether it would be possible for the Muslims of the British
dominion to maintain its strict neutrality since the Sultan of
Turkey was their recognised Caliph. lu The position of the
Indians in the colonies also excited criticism in the local press.
The Times of Assam held the view that “treatment befitting
helots was meted out to the Indians in the colonies” specially
in Canada and British Columbia, and therefore it pleaded lor
intervention by the Government of India.' 0

With the spread of western ideas the need was gradually
felt for the formation of political associations and oganisations
to ventilate the grievances of the people. It was believed
that only by constitutional agitation on western lines through
prayers, petitions, memorials, public meetings, etc., that the
aspirations of the people could be brought to the notice of
the government and that it was only by such means that poli-
tical consciousness of the people could be roused. Anandaram
Dhekial Phukan may be regarded as the pioneer in starting
political agitation in Assam. In his Observations on the

17 Ibid., June 1912, No. 74; Op.cit September 1911, No. 105.

18 Ibid., January 1910 ; No. 83 ; see section. Legislation.

19 Ibid., June 1912, No. 74; see section. Foreign Affairs.

20 Ibid.

156

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

Administration of the Province of Assam , not only did he bring
home to the government the shortcomings in different aspects
of British administration but also made constructive sugges-
tions for their improvement. Protesting against the system of
short term settlements, he pleaded for the creation of a class
of revenue collectors having lasting interests subject to the
restrictions necessary to guard against their abuse . 21 This did
not mean that he was in favour of the zamindari system as it
existed in Bengal which was “highly injurious to the welfare
and happiness of nearly the whole population”. Likewise he
opposed the idea of disposal of ryots lands with Collectors on
long leases fearing that, that would place the former at the
tender mercies of the Collector, subverting gradually their
existing rights and privileges. He advocated instead the pre-
servation of the ryotwari system which recognised the ryots
as proprietors of their respective holdings . 22 Dhekial Phukan
never failed to draw the attention of the government to the
pressure of revenue on the ryots which was fixed without any
reference to the quality of the land or capabilities of the
ryots. Enhancement of revenue without any improvement in
agriculture or commerce, he maintained, was at the root of
the miseries of the i^cople . 23 Couched in moderate language,
Dhekial Fhukan’s Observations virtually condemned the pre-
vailing system of administration of justice. From one corner
of the province to another, he asserted, the people would
declare that

the public courts of justice are exclusively for the benefit of the
rich and the powerful, that it is both imprudent and foolish for
men of humble life to resort to them for relief, that cunning and
deceit, falsehood and perjury beset the courts on all sides and that
in the, civil and criminal courts, truth is often transformed into
falsehood and falsehood into truth . 24

21 Mills, Report on Assam, see Dhekial Phukan, A; Observations on
the Administration of the Province of Assam, Appendix J.

23 Ibid.

2:i Ibid.

24 Ibid.

Early Associations and Organisations

157

This universal complaint, he attributed to the "inefficiency
of the police”, “paucity of (law) courts”, “their distance from
the interior of a district”, “defective, tedious, dilatory, expen-
sive nature of law and procedure” and above all to the
“universal corruption” which prevailed amongst the minis-
terial officers. By way of remedial measures he suggested
inter alia 9 multiplication in the number of moffusil courts,
appointment of vakeels and duly qualified judges, effective
supervision and control over law courts, improvements in law
and procedure in the courts. 25

The earliest organised effort to express public opinion in
Assam appears to have been made on 11 June 1852 when a
representation was made by the inhabitants of Gauhati to the
Deputy Commissioner, Kamrup, praying for the introduction
of Municipal Administration under provision of the Act XXVI
of 1850. 20 The petition was turned down by the Commissioner
of Assam on the ground that in the absence of independent
citizens of rank and fortune to enforce the Act, there was every
likelihood of concentration of excessive power in the hands
of the magistrates. When however it was found that there
was no objection to the measure from any other quarter the
Government of Bengal yielded to the public demand and
accordingly the Act was introduced with effect from 1852.
Mention has already been made that in 1862 when the
Lieutenant Governor paid a visit to Assam, the educated
Assamese prayed for the establishment of a high school or
college for higher education in Assam. 27

In the meantime there had emerged several associations
and organisations, mostly of cultural and literary character,
which provided meeting places for exchange of view's and for
the promotion of common objectives. Since most of these

25 Ibid.

26 AS., Letters issued to the Government, vol. 16, 1851-2, Jenkins
to Grant, 11 June 1852.

27 A. S., 1862 ; File No. 507 ; Robinson to the Commissioner, 4
October.

158

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

associations were shortlived, information as to their organisa-
tion and workings are extremely meagre. In 1885, through the
-endeavours of Priyalal Baniah, the Deputy Inspector of Schools,
a literary association, the Assam Desk Hitaishini Sahha was
formed at Sibsagar and the next year it issued a circular
urging the people to represent their grievances to the
Lieutenant Governor of Bengal. 28 Anandaram and Gunabhiram
were instrumental in organising Gy an Pradayini Sabha in
1857 at Nowgoug with the object of spreading advanced
knowledge amongst the people. It had fifty to sixty members,
of whom about one-third regularly attended the meetings
which were usually held on Sundays. 29 The name of Ganga
Gobinda Phukan is associated with the organisation of two
associations — Asamiya Sahitya Sabha in Calcutta (1872) and
Upper Assam Association at Sibsagar (1880). On 21 May, on
behalf of the former Sabha Jagannath Baruah and Manik
Chandra Baruah, then college students in Calcutta, submitted
a memorial to Lord Northbrook urging him to improve com-
munications of Assam with Bengal with the object of develop-
ing her resources. ; ‘° Mention has already been made that the
Asamiya Bhasa Unnati Sadhini Sabha though it originated in
Calcutta with the object of promoting Assamese language and
literature contributed in no less degree in arousing a sense of
unity and a spirit of patriotism amongst the Assamese.

The emergence of the aforesaid associations and organi-
sations, within and outside the province, was a clear indication
of the general awakening of the people. Before long, there
was also a change in the tone of these associations which was
noticeable in the organisation and workings of the Tezpur
Ryot Sabha which had its birth in the eighties on the last
century/ The Sabha was formed to ventilate the grievances of

28 Baruah, B. K., (eel.) Arunodair Dhalphat , see Preface ; Neog, 1).,
New Light on the History of Asamiya Literature , p. 391 ; Guha, A ;

Impact of Bengal Renaissance on Assam” in The Indian Economic and
Social History Review , vol. IX, No. 3, p, 302.

2y Ibid.

30 Dutta, K. N., Landmarks of the Freedom Struggle in Assam , p. 39.

Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha

159

the people, mainly of the agricultural ryots, against the en-
hancement in revenues on land. Of the leading members of
the association, mention may be made of Haribilas Agarwala,
Lambodar Borah, Lakshmi Kanta Barkakoti, Jaidev Sarmah,
Mohendra Dey and Thakur Das Sarmah. In order to hold
regular meetings, the Sabha is said to have constructed a
Town Hall by raising subscription from the public and thereby
making them interested in its programme of activities. 31

The foundation of the Sarbajanik Sabha al Jorhat in 1884
by Jagarmath Baruah is a landmark in the history of political
associations in Assam. Son of an Assamese tea-planter
Jagannath had his higher education at the Presidency
College, Calcutta, at a time when there was a new awakening
in Bengal. The activities of the British Indian Association
and Indian Association must have impressed him with the
necessity of organising a similar organisation in Assam to
awaken the political consciousness of the Assamese. The
founder President of the Sabha was Raja Naranarayan Singha
alias Majumclia Raja. Jagannath Baruah was its Secretary.
Though the headquarters of the Sabha was located at Jorhat —
its activities extended all over the province and its member-
ship, too, was open to all irrespective of caste, creed or
community. 32 The Sabha was organised, in the words of
Jagannath Baruah,

For the purpose of representing the wishes and aspirations of
the people to the government, explaining to the people the objects
and policies of the government and generally ameliorating the con-
dition of the people. 33

From the very beginning, the Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha
criticised the policy and action of the government. Protesting

31 Under Congress leadership when there occurred upsurge of the
people in the wake of the Non-cooperation movement, there had emerged
Ryot Sabhas at places like Chaiduar, Chariduar, Naduar, Sootea and
other localities in the district of Darrang. Note on Tezpur Ryot Sabha ,
History of Freedom Movement ; Assam Unit.

32 Goswami, J., Jagannath Baruah t p. 30.

33 Minute of Evidence , Royal Commission on Opium , 1893, p. 30.

160

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

against the Assam Land and Revenue Regulations of 1886
in its resolution on 2 June, it deplored that the introduction
of such a measure of importance by an ordinance the govern-
ment had deprived the people of their right of discussion
through the legislature. In another resolution the Sabhd
recorded its deep sense of regret in the concentration of
authority in the hands of the Chief Commissioner and con-
ferment of plenary powers on Revenue officers restricting
thereby the jurisdiction of the civil courts. 34 In 1893 when
there occurred popular uprisings in different parts of the
province as a sequel to the revenue measures of the govern-
ment, the Sabha espoused the cause of the agricultural ryots
and thereby incurred the displeasure of the official circles.
In the same year, in its memorial to the Royal Commission on
opium, the Jorhat S arbajanik Sabha desired abolition of the
cultivation of the poppy by gradual doses ; a sudden and
immediate abolition would be disastrous to those who could
not survive without its use. Rightly it argued, that such a
measure would generate discontentment of the ryots ;
experience showed that the government would raise the
assessment on other lands to compensate the loss of revenues on
areas under poppy which would fall pressingly on the ryots* 5

The educational policy of the government was also
viewed with serious concern by the Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha .
The abolition of the second grade college at Gauhati as an
“unsuccessful institution” without making any endeavour to
remove the causes of its failure, in the opinion of the Sabha,
was highly “injudicious”. The subsequent reduction in the
number of scholarships was equally detrimental to the higher
education in the valley although doors for "scheduled appoint-
ments” were closed to the local candidates on the ground
that they lacked requisite qualifications for these situations. 3

3 1 Cited in Goswami, J., Op.cit ., p. 87.

35 Op.cit.

36 AS., Home — A 1894, July No. 186; Secretary to the Jorhat
Sarbajanik Sabha , 14 December 1892.

; Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha

161

In its lengthy memorial on 14 December 1892 to the
Chief Commissioner, the Sabha expressed its dissatisfaction
that the number of "natives of the soil” in the executive
services was extremely meagre. During the period 1874-92, it
was pointed out, the posts of Extra Assistant Commissioner
had been offered to ten Assamese and seven Sylhetees while
as many as nineteen to non-residents of the province. 37 In
1893, though there were thirty-two graduates in the Assam
Valley, the services of twenty-five were not utilised by the
government, while in the Surma Valley out of fifty gradu-
ates not even one was appointed as Extra Assistant Commis-
sioner. “It is hardly necessary to say”, the memorialists
represented, “that natives of this province . . . have a natural
ambition to serve their own country and sovereign ; and in
this honourable desire they are entitled to receive encourage-
ment so far as it is consistent with efficiency.” 38 The Sabha
did not contemplate to make the executive posts the sole preserve
of the Assamese ; rather it welcomed that a certain percentage
of these should be thrown open to outsiders, Indians and
non-Indians. What it wanted was that the main body of the
service should be recruited from the natives of the province
and the proportion should not be less than three-fourths of the
whole. The efficiency in administration demanded, the
Sabha admitted, meritorious candidates, if need be, from out-
side the province but in case of candidates of equal merit
natives of the soil should get preference, as was in Bengal or

37 Ibid.

38 Ibid.

In his letter to the Secretary, Government of India on 6 April 1904,
F. G. Monahan, Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam also
remarked : “it is only to he expected that the local feelings should he
to oppose to grant to outsiders of what were rightly or wrongly, regarded
to be the prizes of life, and it is possible that Assam would have advanced
more rapidly than has been the case bad employment of foreigners been
prohibited on the lines that has been followed for many years past in
the Central Provinces”. PP(H.G.), 1906, vol. 81, Enclosure 4 in No. 2,
p. 667.

II

162

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

elsewhere. 39 The Sabha further pleaded that due considera-
tion be given to local candidates for appointments in the
departments of Forest, Police, Post and Telegraphs which were
so long the monopoly of the non-Assamese.

The Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha not only demanded larger
employment of the natives of the soil, but also emphasised
on the improvement of their service conditions and emolu-
ments. It deprecated the policy of the government of gradual
reduction in the pay scales of the Extra Assistant Commis-
sioners from rupees eight to six hundred since the reconsti-
tution of the province in 1874. Inadequate inducements had
compelled, it was added, even covenanted officers to seek
transfer to Bengal where they had better prospects of promo-
tion besides amenities of a metropolitan life. Bengal was
thus enabled to utilise the services of a number of experienced
officers who had initial training at the expense of Assam tax-
payers. Every endeavour should be made, the Sabha urged,
to retain the services of those officers by improving their
prospects and increasing their emoluments. 10

In March 1900 Lord Curzon paid a visit to Assam. It
afforded the European planting community the golden oppor-
tunity to represent tlicir interests for expansion of industrial
and commercial undertakings in Assam. In an address of
welcome J. Alston, the Superintendent Assam Frontier Tea
Company Limited, Dibnigarh, appealed to the Viceroy to
improve the lines of communication and means of transport
in the province and also to conduct a survey of the mineral
resources in the neighbouring hill tracts. In their opinion
this would stimulate private enterprise and augment, thereby,
the revenues of the government. 41 The Assamese public were
also not slow in according a cordial welcome to the Viceroy
who had visited for the first time this frontier province. In

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid.

41 Address Presented to Lord Curzon of Kedleston, March 1900, see
Address by Mr. J. Alston, 7 March.

Representations to Lord Curzon

163

an address read by Jagannath Baruah on 13 March at Gauhati
the people of Assam expressed their deep sense of loyalty to
the British government and fondly hoped that the august
visit of the Viceroy would bring in immense benefit to this
much neglected province. It laid stress on the urgency of
completion of the Assam-Bengal Railways then under cons-
truction to afford better facilities for the development of the
province. 42 Further it represented that long term leases
should be granted to the ryots with the right of sub-letting the
tract since existing short term tenures had not improved the
condition of the ryots nor favoured extention of cultivation in
Assam. The most significant point that was urged in the
address was the representation of the Assamese in the Imperial
Legislature. Assam like the Central Province, it was pointed
out, had no Legislative Council of its own. Therefore, the
public prayed that a permanent seat be allotted to Assam in
Indian Legislative Council. 13

Curzon was struck by the warmth and spontaneity of
welcome that was given to him by the people of Assam. In
his reply the Viceroy intimated that steps were being taken
to expedite the completion of railways on both the banks of
the Brahmaputra and that at no distant future the government
would consider even the construction of a bridge over that
mighty river to connect the rail-heads. 1 1 With respect to short
term tenures, he explained that climatic conditions of Assam
had compelled the government to adopt such measures ; but
he hoped that sympathetic consideration would be given by
the government on the rate of assessment. The Viceroy how-
ever, regretted that the question of* a permanent seat in the
Legislative Council could not be conceded to in the absence
of "substantial community of interests” which would render

42 Ibid., see Address presented at Gauhati by the people of Assam
on 13 March. It appears Assamese version of the address was read by
Satyanath Borah and the English by Jagannath Baruah.

43 Ibid .

44 Ibid., see His Excellency the Viceroy’s reply.

164

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

one delegate truly representative of the whole province.
Moreover, he added, the number of seats available for the
whole country was then only five. “If I were to undertake
permanently to allot one of these seats to Assam”, he con-
cluded, “I should be adopting a course . . . that would not
necessarily be conducive to the representative character of
the Council itself’. Curzon nevertheless assured the Assamese
public to give provincial representation ‘'from whatever sec-
tion of the community when called for the Legislative
Programme of the Government”. 45

The foundation of Indian National Congress in 1885
marks the beginning of a new era in the nationalist move-
ment of India. It appears that the first meeting of the
National Conference that preceded the Indian National Con-
gress was attended by delegates from Tezpur and Sylhet. 4G
The First session of the Congress which was held at Bombay
was rather a congress of “volunteers”. But even to that Con-
gress a telegram was sent from Assam welcoming the idea of
the Congress and wishing its success. 47 The second session
of the Congress (1886) held in Calcutta was of a different
character. Unlike volunteers of the first session, this Con-
gress was represented by representatives of various associa-
tions and delegates duly elected at public meetings in
different provinces. In Assam, Dcbi CJharan Baruuh and
Gopinath Bardoloi represented Upper Assam Association ;
Shillong Association was represented by Kalikanta Barkakoti ;
Satyanath Borah was a representative of Now gong Ryot
Association ; Bipin Chandra Pal represented Sylliet Associa-
tion, Joy Gobinda Shome and Kamini Kumar Chanda
represented Habiganj Peoples Association . In the third session
held in Madras (1887) the following representatives from

45 Ibid.

40 Majumdar, R. C., History of Freedom Movement in India , ii,
p. 379 ; Bagal, J.C., History of the Indian Association , p. 64.

4 7 See “Assam’s Participation in the early days of the Congress Move-
ment” in The Assam Tribune Congress Supplement , 18 January 1958.

Assam Representatives in Indian National Congress

165

Assam were present — Radhanath Cbangkakoti from Upper
Assam Association , Lakshmikanta Barkakoti from Assam
Conference and Bipin Chandra Pal as the editor of The
Tribune**

The representatives from Assam were not merely silent
observers ; some of them actively participated in the
proceedings of the Congress. On the eve of the second
session of the Congress, in a well represented public meeting
held at Murarichand School, Sylhct, several recommendations
were made which were later discussed and carried out as
resolutions by the open session of the Congress . 49 In the
same session when the Congress moved the ninth resolution
demanding withdrawal of powers vested in the Sessions
Judges and High Courts setting aside in certain cases verdicts
of the /ury, Debi Charan Baruah stood opposed to it from the
standpoint of Assam. In Assam, he argued, where a planters
Raj was working the jury system would give them a handle to
intensify their oppressions particularly on tea-garden
employees. In those regions, European quota in jury being
the most numerous, the system had been highly injurious
chiefly in cases in which Europeans were involved and where
*‘their verdict is not always in conformity with the evidence
or dictates of justice.” He would, of course, welcome the
system if the number of European members were reduced
to one-half and the remaining half taken from the natives of
Assam which would minimise chances of injustices to the
poorer classes . 50 Bipin Chandra Pal also opposed the rcso-

48 Report of the Indian National Congress, 1886 and 1887.

40 Ibid., 1886 ; Resolutions to the following effect were passed
amidst great enthusiasm. “That this meeting is of opinion that it has
now became necessary alike in the interest of India and England to
reconstruct the Legislative Councils on the basis that “no less than two-
third of the whole council should he elected members chosen by the
local bodies’' and “that the council they formed should have the right
of interpellation”. Further that “the maximum age of the Civil Service
Examination should be raised to 23 years” ; and that “open competitive
examinations should be held in India simultaneously in England”.

50 Ibid .

166

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

lution on the ground that it led to the miscarriage of justice
like that of Assam where European element in the jury was
predominating. 51

Opinion however differed on the jury system even
amongst the representatives of Assam. On the abolition of
the jury, in the Congress at Allahabad (1892) Lakshminath
Bezbaruah, a delegate from Assam, strongly advocated the
reintroduction of the system on the ground that the trial by
jury was as old in Assam as the British rule. "If there is any
province in India”, he contended, "which wants trial by jury
more than any other, it is Assam”, since Assam was a non-
Rcgulation province with a backward and poor people, majo-
rity of them being illiterate. Moreover, "raw and inexperienced
civilians are generally imported into Assam who not only
administer justice in a lawless manner but tyrannise over the
people”, and Assam had no good barrister or advocate to
safeguard against the miscarriage of justice. 52

A true representative of the new age, Debi Charan Baruah
had firm faith in representative government. In the second
session of the Congress when the question of representation
and local autonomy came under discussion, Baruah said :

Unless representative system is introduced the. real wants of the
country can scarcely he met. Allowing freely (that) foreigners and
strangers as they are to all that most intimately affect us, (they)
are actuated by the highest motives and do their best for us, the
present state of the country and the universal feeling that pervades
it, sufficiently show that neither the purity of their intention nor
the conscientiousness of their efforts can compensate for the want
of the practical sympathy with a detailed knowledge of the cir-
cumstances of our case, which only our people, carefully selected
can supply . 53

i

The Congress session of 1889 at Bombay is memorable
for the attendance of Charles Bradlaugh, M.P., the British
Labour Party Leader commonly known as "Member for India”

51 Ibid .
* 2 Ibid. t 1892.
**lbid. 9 1886.

Assam Representatives in Indian National Congress

167

for his pro-Indian views. On behalf of the "wretched and
down-trodden slave population of Assam”, Bipin Chandra Pal
offered his felicitations to him for his endeavours to champion
the cause of Assam " Coolies ” in the Parliament. He also
thanked the working classes in England "who have in the past
expended their money and their blood on removing shackles
of the slaves in every part of the world”. 51 In fact, the pro-
blem of the tea-garden labour led to animated diseussion in
several sessions of the Indian National Congress. Tn 1896
Congress, Jogesh Chandra Ghosh, a delegate from Calcutta
presented a vivid picture of the horrible condition prevailing
in the traffic in labour in the tea plantations in Assam. lie
condemned the existing laws which were enacted to supply
cheap labour to European planters in unhealthy tea-tracts of
Assam. The rules created a class of recruiters called the
Arkatis whose power of mischief was “regretted alike by the
officials, planters and the people”. The Arkatis took the nefarious
system of "forcible kidnapping” and "fraudulent misrepresen-
tations” as means of recruiting labourers. This made the lives
of the poor victims so miserable that sometimes they had to
take recourse to suicide. 55 The relevant Act was enacted in
consideration of the difficulties of transportation ; but in view
of improved transportation this became wholly unnecessary
and so it should be repealed. Bipin Chandra Pal also gave
illustration of the horrible aspects of this "quasi slavery”
system and said that the act should be repealed "if for no
other consideration but of regard for the freedom that is the
birth right of every British subject and out of regard of the
fair name of England”. Rajani Kanta Sarkar another delegate
from Bengal also supported the proposal which was then put
to vote and carried by acclamation. 55

The year 1906 was full with the tide of Swadeshi in the
wake of the partition of Bengal. In the Calcutta session of

*'lbid. % 1889 .
5 > Ibid., 1896 .
56 Ibid .

168

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

the Congress in that year Bipin Chandra Pal, one of the main
architects of the movement, strongly advocated the cause of
Swadeshi for securing the redress of all political grievances.
To make the movement a success not only should there be a
boycott of foreign goods but also of honorary olficcs and asso-
ciation with government. In his view boycott had already
become a force to be reckoned with and would remain so
until "every right”, "every liberty” and “the highest destiny” of
the nation were achieved. 57

During the period of partition agitation there had emerged
several associations, the details of their organisation and
workings are not much known. The Assam Valley and the
Surma Valley branches of the Indian Tea Association intimated
their approval of Curzon’s partition scheme on condition that
the change should not have the effect of depriving the pro-
vince of the name of "Assam” for its tea which had gained
a world wide reputation. 58 The Mahishya Samiti of Eastern
Bengal and Assam, too, supported the government scheme of
partition. 5 '* 1 On the other hand, Bande Mataram Samiti was
formed in Sylhet in 1906 to encourage Swadeshi and the idea
of nationalism. 00 Muslim Associations like Anjuman-l-Islamia ,
Silchar, Sylhet Anjuman , Muhammadan Association of Maulavi
Bazar, Anjuman-I-Itehad of Habiganj took part in the pro-
partition agitation. 01 The influence of terrorist activities of
the period led to the formation of local branches of Amisilan
Samiti , Suhrid Samiti , and Sulirid Sevak Samiti mainly in the
districts of Sylhet and Cachar. 02 A terrorist organisation — the

57 Ibid., 1906.

*

58 PP (H. C.), 1906, vol. 81 ; see Further Papers relating to the re-
constitution of Bengal and Assam. Enclosure 4 in No. 2, p. 663.

59 HPA., August 1909, Nos. 159-60.

60 Abstract of Intelligence , Eastern Bengal and Assam Police,
9 March 1907.

61 HFM, Assam unit, see Swadeshi Movement.

63 HPA., March 1909; Nos. 10-1; March 1911, Nos. 5-7.

Surma Valley Association

169

Seva Sangha — was founded by Ambikagiri Ray Chotidhury,
Raktim Borah and several others at Gauhati. 63

The Surma Valley Association which had its birth on 11
August 1906 played a significant role in rousing political con-
sciousness of the people of the Surma Valley. Of its earlier
members mention may be made of Radha Binode Das, Sarada
Charan Shyam, Brajalal Das Choudhury, Harish Chandra Ray,
Bipin Chandra Pal, Rajkumar Banerjec and Brajeudra Krishna
Ray Choudhury. This association was established, as enun-
ciated in the fourth resolution of the first meeting of the Asso-
ciation ( 1906 ),

With the avowed object ol promoting the general well are of the
people of this valley and taking practical steps for ameliorating
the conditions of the masses in matters of sanitation, agriculture
and such other matters. 61

In reality, the Association provided the political forum of
the nationalist leaders of the Surma Valley in the early decades
of the present century. That the members of the Association
were imbued with the spirit of nationalism is evident from
Ihc fact that the whole proceedings of the Surma Valley Con-
ferences of 1906 and 1908 were filled with nationalist songs
sung by eminent singers like Kanailal Goswami of Calcutta
and nationalist cries of Sankirtati and Bande Mataram . The
conference openly supported the establishment of national
schools, Swadeshi movement and physical training of the youths
and the art of lathi and sword play.” 3 Though the policy and
programme of the Association was intensely nationalistic, its
nationalism did not degenerate into terrorism. Nor did it
follow the policy of “appeasing moderation” ; “petition had no
place in its deliberations”. 66

® 3 HFM, Assam Unit, see statement of A. G. Ray Choudhury ou the
Anarchist Party in Assam .

64 The Weekly Chronicle , 22 April, 1908.

65 The Bengalee , 14 August 1906 ; The Weekly Chronicle, Op.cit .

c « Ibid.

The constitution of the association until 1908, according to Weekly
Chronicle , was in a “nebulus state”. All that can be gathered from the

170

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

The Association had its first conference in 1906 at Jalsuka
in the district of Sylhet under the presidentship of Kamini
Kumar Chanda. Besides two hundred delegates mainly of the
mirasdarSy merchants and lawyers from different parts of the
valley, about one thousand visitors attended the session. 67 The
proceedings of the second conference held at Karimganj in
April 1908 provide a clear picture as to the nature and work-
ings of this Association. In his presidential address Radha
Binode Das affirmed that the ideal of the Association was
Swaraj as preached by Dadabhai Naoroji in the Calcutta
session of the Indian National Congress in 1906. He wanted
that the Indians without any distinction of caste and creed
should have opportunity to grow to the full height of stature
so that India might attain and maintain her proper place
among the great nations of the world. 68 He called upon the
members of the Association to bring out a team of dedicated
workers to move about in the villages to preach the gospel of
Swaraj , Swadeshi and Boycott — spreading education amongst
the masses, instilling into their minds the supreme need of unity
and removing their mental, physical and material wants.
Speaking of the critical situation he said :

We are as it were in the. midst of a whirlwind. It is God alone
who can pilot our nation’s “boat” through the storm-tossed seas*
safe into the harbour of peace, security and greatness. 69

news items of these papers was that there existed a Central Committee
as permanent body at Sylhet besides sub-divisional Committees in
different localities. The exact relations between the Central and local
committees remained ill-defined. The local newspapers therefore opined
that it was essentially necessary that the governing bodies of the Asso-
ciation, whether central or sub-divisional committees, should be definite
in character and elected on the suffrage of the members of the Associa-
tion. When the second Surma Valley Conference met at Karimganj in
1908, there was heated and animated discussion on the subject, but
nothing is known about the final decision.

67 The Bengalee , 14 August 1906 ; The Weekly Chronicle , 22 August
1908.

68 Ibid .

69 Ibid.

Assam Association

171

Therefore

we must pledge our unswerving fidelity to the great cause, we
must be united and we must proceed cautiously. We must orga-
nise our religious, social, political and economic life in a way so
that this great nation, instead of sinking into deep abyss may
advance towards its God-appointed goal. 70

Bipin Chandra Pal who had also addressed the conference
asserted that Swaraj was the goal of India without which
humanity would suffer. Only a free India could fulfil her
mission in the world. India under British autocracy was a
menace even to liberal England.

For the progress of the world, for the maintenance of j>eace
between Asia and Europe, and for the cause of humanity, must
India take her place as one of the free nations of the earth and
the teacher of mankind. 71

In its resolutions, the conference extended its whole-
hearted support towards the Swadeshi movement for the
amelioration of the condition of the masses — to enable them
to live on their own strength. It resolved that attainment of
Swaraj was the political goal of the conference and the only
efficient means to reach that goal was the cultivation and
development of unity and strength of the people. It urged
the Association to appoint preachers and to distribute pam-
phlets to inculcate in the masses the lessons on agriculture,
industries and sanitation. 72 The Association thus kept the
Surma Valley abreast with nationalist throb and made it one
of the most politically advanced areas of India.

The death of Jagannath Baruah in April 1907 and subse-
quent division amongst its members practically terminated the
activities of the Jorhat Sarhajanik Sabha. The need was
already felt amongst the Assamese elite of a broad based
provincial organisation to represent to the government the

70 Ibid.

7 1 Ibid., see proceedings, third day.

72 Ibid., 29 April 1908 ; see proceedings, second day.

172

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

wishes and aspirations of the people. The opportunity to
form such an association came to Manik Chandra Baruah and
a few others in early 1903 when about forty leading persons
gathered at Gauhati to meet Sir Dcnzil Ibbetson, Member of
the Viceroy's Executive Council, who was on an official visit to
Assam. 73 The ground was thus prepared for the organisation
of the Assam Association which had played a significant part
in the political advancement of the province prior to the emer-
gence of the Assam Provincial Congress in 1921.

Information with respect to the constitution of the Asso-
ciation is extremely meagre. All that we know is, besides tho
central organisation with headquarters at Gauripur and
Gauhati, it had branches in several towns of the province. In
its first session held at Dibrugarh in April 1905, the Association
formally elected Manik Chandra Baruah as its General Secre-
tary and Raja Prabhat Chandra Baruah and Jagannath Baruah
as President and Vice-President respectively. 71 Though
meetings were held from time to time to discuss vital issues,
until 1916 the Association had no regular annual sessions.
Nevertheless, Manik Chandra Baruah, the soul of the Associa-
tion kept its flag flying.* During these years, it is not an
exaggeration to say, the Assam Association was “one man's
show” — that of its General Secretary.

The Association served as the mouth-piece of the people
of Assam in presenting to the authorities their “needs and
grievances, hopes and aspirations”. Its sponsors did not

73 Barthakur, Deb Sarmah and Borah ; Manik , p. 26.

It is believed in certain quarters that an organisation of the same
name existed in Upper Assam as early as 1882 ; but the real beginning
of the Assam Association can be traced to 1903 when a reference of it
was made as “an institution of recent birth' by F. J. Monahan, Chief
Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, to the Secretary, Government of
India in his letter on 6 April 1904. See PP(H.C.), 1906, vol. 81 ; Enclo-
sure 4 in No. 2, p. 663.

74 Baruah, P. K., The Assam Delegation , ii. Pp. 9-10.

* Manik Baruah continued to be the General Secretary till his death
^(September 1915) when this office was occupied by Ghanashyaxn Baruah.

Assam Association

17$

believe in action-oriented programmes of the raijmels or village
assemblies, but pinned their faith on constitutional agitation —
that redress of grievances of the people and reform in adminis-
trations could be effected by prayers and petitions* Resolu-
tions which were adopted in general sessions after due deli-
berations on all burning questions of the day were forwarded
to the government for its consideration. Since its leading
members like Manik Chandra Baruah, Ghanashyam Baruah,
Phanidhar Chaliha, Tarun Ram Phookun, Nahin Chandra
Bardoloi were also legislators of the time, they could draw the
attention of the government through their speeches and debates
in the floor of the Councils to the resolutions and demands of
the Assam Association passed from time to time. The effec-
tive role played by the members of the Association in the
Provincial and Central Legislative Councils has been dealt
with in a subsequent chapter.

Within a few months of its birth, the Association was called
upon by the Chief Commissioner to give its views on the
proposed extension of territorial jurisdiction of Assam by the
incorporation of certain districts of Eastern Bengal. 75 In con-
formity with the resolutions of the meetings held by its bran-
ches at Goalpara, Barpeta, Gauhati, Nowgong, Tezpur,
Golagluit and Dibrugarh — in a general meeting held at
Gauripur under the presidentship of Raja Prabliat Chandra
Baruah, the Assam Association protested against the scheme
of incorporation fearing that Assam would not only be deprived
of her independent status but her people would be subjected
to alien rales and regulations prevailing in the districts of
Bengal. 76 Later, the Association 'stoutly opposed the sinister
plan of excluding Assam from the general scheme of reforms
in 1918. While different associations and public bodies like
the People’s Association of Sylhet, Surma Valiev Muhammedan
Association, Sunamganj Mahishya Samiti , European Tea-

75 Op.cit., Annexure 2.

76 Ibid.; vide Appendix-E.

174

THE PRESS AND POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS

Planters' Association, Ahom Association and Assam Valley
Muhammedan Association laid stress on their respective com-
munal or sectional interests, the Assam Association alone stood
for the unity and integrity of Assam. 77 The Associations con-
sistent stand in regard to the reforms and its bold step in
sending a deputation even to London ultimately convinced
the authorities of the justice and reasonableness of its demands.
As a result, Assam was declared a major province equal in
status with other provinces in India.

Although the Association attended to the specific problems
of Assam, it did not cut itself adrift from all India politics.
During its early years the Association was closely observing
the main trends of the nationalist movement and, in fact, pre-
pared the ground for tho struggle for freedom in this province.
This was facilitated by the infiltration into it of members with
nationalistic outlook like Tarun Ram Phookun, Nabin Chandra
Bardoloi and Chandranath Sarmah. On the failure of the new
reforms in satisfying Indian National aspirations and the sub-
sequent repressive measures culminating in the massacre at
Jallianwala Bagh, the Indian National Congress was then
organising a country-wide movement of non-cooperation against
the government. The younger section of the Association led
by Chandranath Sarmah felt that the people of Assam should
join the national movement and some of them even attended
the Congress Sessions at Calcutta and Nagpur to have a first
hand knowledge of the national problem. 78 Being apprised
of the changed situation which called forth an united effort
for the attainment of the country’s ultimate goal, the Associa-
tion felt the desirability of changing its provincial outlook even
by amending the constitution to enable its members to plunge
headlong into the national movement. 79 At the annual session
of the Assam Association held at Tezpur in December 1920,

77 Memorandum of the Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of
Assam to the Secretary Reforms Committee, Franchise, 6 December 1918.

78 Baruah, P. K., Op.cit ., Pp. 71-3.

97 Ibid. ; The Amrita Bazar Patrika f 12 January 1921.

Assam Association

175

under the presidentship of Prasanna Kumar Bamah, it was
resolved to adopt the programme of non-cooperation as outlined
by the Nagpur Session of the Indian National Congress. Since
the Association was required to identify itself with the aims
and aspirations of the National Congress, it saw no useful pur-
pose in maintaining its independent existence. In a subse-
quent resolution, the Association decided to merge itself in
the newly formed Assam Provincial Congress which was
affiliated to the Indian National Congress . 80

**lbid.

CHAPTER TEN

The Partition of Bengal and Its Aftermath

The Presidency of Bengal at one time consisted of besides
Bengal proper, Bihar, Orissa, the whole of the United
Province including Delhi, portions of Central Province, Chota
Nagpur and Assam. “Enormous population and area of
Bengal, evergrowing importance of Calcutta, constantly
increasing congestion of business in Calcutta Secretariat, in-
ability of the head of the Government to give personal atten-
tion to such a big province", 1 were the factors which brought
forth suggestions at different times for a reorganisation of
this Presidency. In fact, since the sixties of the last century
the process of redistribution and readjustment of territories
had begun. 2 In 187-1, Assam was taken away from Bengal
and made a Chief Commissioners province under direct
control of the Governor-General in Council. In spite of it the
Lieutenant Governor of Bengal had to administer one of the
largest province's of India occupying an area of 1,89,000 square
miles with a population of about 78)2 millions. Bengal which
demanded a more personal rule was considered too heavy a
charge for the head of the administration to shoulder. The
newly constituted Chief Commissioncrship of Assam was, on
the other hand, considered to be too small from the adminis-
trative and economic point of view. In 1892, on strategic and
administrative reasons, the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal,
Chief Commissioners of Burma and Assam and military
-experts proposed the transfer of the Chittagong division and

J Ahluwalia, M. M., Freedom Straggle in India , p. 274.

2 IIPA., December 1903, Nos. 149-60 ; see Ilowett's Note of 28
August 1902 ; Kalpana Bishui, “The Origin and Evolution of the Scheme
for the First Partition of Bengal” in the Quarterly Review of Historical
Studies, Calcutta, (1965-6), Pp. 78-94.

The Partition of Bengal

177

the Lushai Hills to Assam, but the measure remained unimple-
mented. 3 4 Again in 1896, Sir William Ward, Chief Commis-
sioner of Assam suggested the transfer of Chittagong Division
and the two districts of Dacca and Mymensingh to Assam ;
the enlargement of the province, it was hoped, would facilitate
the creation of separate services in all its branches for the
efficient administration of that province. 1 Fearing that such
changes would "excite a storm of protest”, the proposal was
not pursued by the new Chief Commissioner Sir Henry Cotton,
and the Government of India, too, paid scant attention to tho
scheme excepting the transference of the administration of
Lushai Hills in 1897 from Bengal to Assam. 5 6 Like Sir Henry,
official circles in Bengal, the European merchants and the
press stood opposed to the dimmunilion in the size of the
Presidency. If better administration was the goal, they sug-
gested, Bengal should be immediately raised to the status of
a governorship with an Executive Council like that of Madras
and Bombay.

Early in 1903, Sir Andrew Fraser, the Lieutenant Governor
of Bengal, renewed the earlier suggestion of the transfer of
Chittagong division, Dacca and Mymensingh districts to
Assam. 0 J. B. Fuller, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, sup-
ported the territorial changes for speedy completion of the
Assam-Bcngal Railways. Since five-sevenths of its length lay
within Assam, he argued, it was to this province that this rail-
way must look for the traffic to justify its construction. But the
future of this line depended on the port of Chittagong and
there was hardly any doubt, he added, that this port would
receive greater attention “when it* was the only outlet of the
province than when it has to share the consideration of the
Government with a prosperous and well-established port as

3 Foreign, External-A, September 1892, Nos. 9-62.

4 HPA., May 1897, Nos. 204-34, Chief Commissioner of Assam, 25
November 1896.

5 Ibid., Chief Commissioner of Assam, 26 February 1897.

6 HPA., December 1903, Nos. 149-60; see Fraser's Note of 28 March.

12

178

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

Calcutta”. 7 The proposal received the approval of Curzon’s
government and H. H. Risley, Secretary to the Government
of India, Home Department, in his letter on 3 December 1903
justified the reorganisation not only to ease the “excessive
burden” of the Government of Bengal, but also to facilitate
expansion of Assam “which would give the officers a wider
and more interesting field of work . . . ( above all ) a maritime
outlet in order to develop its industries in tea, oil and coal”.*
Curzon had also an ulterior object in view. He was very
much apprehensive of the solidarity and growing political
consciousness of the Bengalees centering round* Calcutta which
was considered by him as the hot-bed of political intrigues.*
lie sought to destroy the “nascent nationalism in Bengal” by
dividing the Bengali speaking people and taking every
advantage of the separatist tendencies of the Muhammedans
of the province. ** The full text of the resolution of the govern-
ment was published in the official Gazette of India on 12
December 1903; but the final scheme* was hatched up in

7 PP(H.C‘.h 1906, Vol. 81, Enclosure 4 in No. 2, Secretary to the
Chief Commissioner of Assam, 6 April 1904.

8 HPA., December 1903, Risley, H. H. ; 3 December.

* In a despatch to the Secretary of the State, Curzon wrote :
“Calcutta is the centre from which the Congress Party is manipulated,
throughout the whole of Bengal and indeed the whole of India. Its
best wire-pullers and its most frothy orators all reside here ... . They
frighten the local government and they are not sometimes without
serious influence upon the Government of India. The whole of their
activity is directed to creating an agency so powerful that they may
one day be able to force a weak government to give them what they
desire”. Curzon Papers , Curzon to Brodrick, 2 February 1905, cited in
Tarachand, History of the Freedom Movement in India , iii, p. 311.

9 Explaining Curzon 's scheme, R. C. Majumdar writes : “In East
Bengal, the Muslims, politically less advanced and more loyal to the
British than the Hindus, would be in a majority, while in Bengal the
Bengalis would form a minority by inclusion of Bihar and Orissa. Thus
the Bengalis would be divided from their kith and kin ; the Bengali
Hindus, hated and dreaded by Curzon for their advanced political ideas
would form a minority ; and a thin wedge would be driven between the
Hindus and Muslims of Bengal”. Majumdar, R. C., History of Freedom
Movement in India , ii, p. 5 ; also Kalpana Bishui, Op.cit. t Sarkar Sumit.
The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal , Pp. 12-20.

Opposition in Assam

179

utmost secrecy and the opinion of the public bodies and asso-
ciations, though called for, was not taken into consideration.

Inevitably the announcement of the partition scheme was
followed by prayers, protestations and demonstrations through-
out the province of Bengal. Resolutions, telegrams and
petitions were sent to the Government of India and the Secre-
tary of State in condemnation of the proposed partition. The
press, both Indian and foreign, was very critical in its com-
ments on the proposal. The Indian National Congress in its
annual sessions held in 1903 and 1904 respectively protested
against the preposterous scheme. Presiding over the Congress
session in Bombay Sir Henry Cotton denounced the plan as
m< the most abitrary and unsympathetic evidence of irrespon-
sible statesmenship”. 10

To the people of Assam the proposed amalgamation with
the districts of Bengal was a bolt from the blue. Ever since
British occupation, it may be remembered, Assam failed to
receive adequate justice in the hands of the Lieutenant
Governor of Bengal overburdened as he* was with the respon-
sibilities of an extensive province. Tin’s was remedied to a
great extent by the separation of the province in 1874 under
a Chief Commissioner who had exercised since then closer
supervision and adopted necessary measures for the general
improvement of tin* province. Within a period of thirty years,
admittedly, much had been done towards improvement in
communication by opening up several railways* and a daily
steamer service on the Brahmaputra. Education at all levels
received encouragement from the government and liberal and
special grants wore made towards the same. Assamese had
been recognised as a second language in the Entrance Exami-
nation of the Calcutta University and a fair share of govern-
ment appointments, though not adequate, had been offered to

10 Cotton, Sir Henry, Presidential Address, Twentieth Congress, 1904,
The Indian National Congress, p. 773.

* These were Assam-Bengal Railway, Dihru-Sadiya Railway, Jorhat-
State Railway, Tezpur-Balipara Tramways and Cauhati-Dhubri Railway.

180

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

the children of the soil. Above all, opportunities had been
given to the people to approach the head of the State to
represent matters of public interest or their grievances. But
a great deal yet remained to be done to remove the appella-
tion of "backward” which had been constantly used even by
the government. To tag the province once again to the much
advanced districts of Bengal would "nullify the good that has
been derived” at the hands of the Chief Commissioner . 11
In that case,

Assam proper will secure only a small fraction of the Chief Com-
missioner’s attention, his very seat will he removed, and the people
will have to meet a keen and unequal competition of highly
educated, enterprising and advantageously situated districts,
(because of) which they are not yet prepared for the same. 12

Under the proposed scheme, Assam Association apprehended,

the historic name of Assam will he obliterated for ever, her language
(will) suffer, and the removal of the seat of the Government to a
place outside Assam proper and further away from the geogra-
phical centre will necessarily make her lose the amount of care
and attention which it (has) at present received */om government. 1,15

The Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha ably refuted the contention
that the Assam-Bcngal Railway under the proposed changes
would open up the province and contribute towards her deve-
lopment. In its opinion, the Railway would carry on its
commercial activities whether it passed through one or more
provinces. Nor did the Sabha believe that a separate adminis-
trative unit would take greater interest in the development of
the Chittagong port, the natural outlet for Assam and East
Bengal. The growth and development of the port, the Sabha
maintained, depended not so much on the interest felt by the
government as on inerease in traffic brought by improved

J 1 PP(H.C.) t vol. 81, 1906 ; Annexure 4, Note by Manik Chandra
Baruah, 27 February 190 b

12 Ibid., Annexure 3, Letter from Jagannath Baruah, President Jorhat
Sarbajanik Sabha , 10 February 1904.

13 Ibid., Annexure 2, Proceedings of the Assam Association , 14
February 1904, vide Appendix-E.

Fullers Visit to Assam

181

communication . 14 There can be no rebuttal when the Sabha
argued :

When the Government of Tndia do not propose to separate
Orissa from Bengal owing to a political association for a century,
there is certainly very much less ground for cutting up Bengal
proper into two portions, the people of both portions having been
not only politically associated from the earliest historical times,
but also forming one people both by language and race. 15

The Advocate of Assam commented on the scheme on
financial ground holding the view that the new province would
be acting "as a sort of drag on the exhausted Indian
exchequer ’. 16 The local press, in general, felt that “the situ-
ation of Assam when amalgamated with the Sylhet district was
bad enough, but when tied with the advanced parts of the
country, . . . the change was from the frying pan to fire ”. 17
Jagannath Baruah, the president of the Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha
and Manik Chandra Baruali, in his individual capacity, reali-
sing that the government was determined to go ahead with
its scheme, demanded sufficient reservation of the rights of
(he people of Assam in the new set-up . 18 Dulal Chandra Deb,
Chairman of the Municipal Committee of Sylhet, in a memo-
randum while opposing the inclusion of Mymensingh and
Dacca districts wanted only the addition of Chittagong divi-
sion to Assam which would provide it with a port in the
sea. Kamini Kumar Chanda, Vice-Chairman of the Silchar
Municipality, opposed the plan of partition outright.* The
Bengali-speaking population of the Surma Valley vehemently
opposed the partition as they would be cut off from their kith
and kin in Bengal when joined to Eastern Bengal. In the
new province, the Surma Valley Hindus would be reduced to
a minority and the latter feared lhat since they were backward
in education compared to the transferred districts of Bengal,

14 Ibid., Annexure 3, Op.cit.

15 Ibid.

If ‘ HPB., August 1911, No. 04, see General.

17 Ibid .

18 Op.cit, Annexure s 3 and 4. * Vide Appendix-F.

182

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

the claims of the Surma Valley people might be superseded
by qualified men from Dacca, Myrriensingh, Rajshahi and Assam
Valley. 10 On the otherhand the European planters of botl/
the valleys welcomed the partition measures subject to the
condition that under no circumstances the name of “ Assam*'
for which its tea was universally known should be dropped. 20

Curzon was not the man to be unnerved by popular agi-
tation and pressure. He was determined to carry out the
scheme and partition became a fait accompli on 16 October
1905. The province of “Eastern Bengal and Assam” came into
being “consisting of an area of 1,06,540 square miles and a
population of 31 million souls”. Sir J. B. Fuller, the Chief
Commissione r of Assam, assumed charge of the new province
as Lieutenant Governor at Dacca. A Legislative Council and
a Board of Revenue consisting of two members were given
to assist the Lieutenant Governor; the jurisdiction of the
Calcutta High Court, was however left undisturbed. To win
confidence 1 of the people, soon after his assumption of new
office. Fuller paid a visit to Assam. In rcplv to an address
of welcome presented to him by the Cauhati Municipality on
1 November 1905 he said that he had no doubt that the new
changes had resulted in the loss of Assam’s individuality, but
the 1 enlargement of the government would be beneficial to the
people of Assam in the long ruu — 1 look forward to the day”.
Fuller added,

When Dacca, Chittagong, Gauhati and S\lhet will he as closed
unit to one another as Benares, Allahabad, Lucknow and Agra, and
when each Assamese and ‘each Bengali, while retaining to the full
his national individuality, will also he aide, when he meets acqui-
tanccs from beyond the border, to boast that he belongs to Eastern
Bengal and Assam. 21

He assured the people of Assam that the proposed change
will not afi'ect their privileges in the way of scholarships and

19 Ibid , , Annexures 5 and 6, see Note by Dulal Chandra Deb and
Babu Kamini Kumar Chanda, 22 March and 15 February respectively.

20 Ibul. t Enclosure 4 in No. 2.

21 News item. The Kengalee, 2 and 7 November 1905.

Protests and Demonstrations

183

the reservations in their favour in regard to Government
employment in the Valley, but he had to admit that with few
exceptions the Assamese would be deprived of their fair share
of posts in the new office establishments of the union of East
Bengal and Assam since the people of East Bengal will have
the priority and that it will also be the policy of the govern-
ment to appoint them. As regards representation in the
Lieutenant Governors Legislative Council, Fuller assured that
the local bodies of Assam would share with Bengal this
privilege. 23

The partition was a “Grave National Disaster” to the
people of Bengal and the latter resolved with grim determina-
tion to meet the challenge. * 16 October 1905 was observed

as a day of national mourning all over Bengal. Streets of
Calcutta were full of demonstrations, shops were closed and
observance of protests began with bath in the Ganges, mass
prayers and Rakhi BamUuni. \ In the same evening, in
Calcutta the foundation stone of the Federation Hall was laid
by Ananda Mohan Bose, an cx-President of the Indian National
Congress, as the “symbol of indissoluble union” and “meeting

-- Ibid.

* “From December 1903 to October 1905 more than 2000 public
meetings attended by 500 to 50,000 people, both Hindus and
Mussulmans, were held in different parts of East Bengal and West
Bengal to protest against the partition. The Resolutions unanimously
passed at these meetings were regularly submitted to the government
of India as well as to the Secretary of State ... Memorials were sub-
mitted by the British Indian Association, the Bengal Land holder’s
Association, as well as from nearly all th<* important and recognised
public bodies and associations in either part of the province .. The
Indian Press both in Bengal as well as in other provinces wen* unani-
mous in their condemnation of the proposed dismemberment ol Bengal
and even a large section of the Anglo-Indian Press, some of which
were recognised as semi-official organs, joined in the protest”. Cited
in Bagal, J. C., History of Indian Association , p. 162.

1 The ceremony was to indicate, according to Rabindra Nath, “The
indissoluble brotherhood between East Bengal and West Bengal men,
between rich and low, between Christian, Mohammedan and Hindus
of the soil”.

184

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

ground” of Eastern and Western Bengal. 23 Since then the
movement gathered momentum transcending before long its
limited objective and growing into a national movement.
Swadeshi , Boycott and National Education became its “rally-
ing cry” and it soon spread to other parts of India.

Responding to the call of the Bengal leaders, protest
meetings were held at Dhubri, Gauripur, Goalpara, Gauhati
and Dibrugarh. 21 In the Surma Valley, meetings were orga-
nised at Sylhet, Habiganj, Maulavi Bazar, Silchar, Karimganj
and Badarpur. 25 In both the valleys the observance was
marked by the attendance of the Hindus and Muhammcdans
as joint partners of the agitation. National songs were sung
and processions were taken out accompanied by shouts of
Bande Mataram. In some places mass prayers and Rakhi
Bandhan were performed symbolising the solidarity among the
different communities. The anniversary of the anti-partition
day was duly observed on 16 October 1906, at several places
in the Assam Valley. 20 At Dhubri there was a public
Sankirtan in the morning which was heartily joined by all the
communities — Hindus, Sikhs and the Muhammcdans. This
was followed by tying of Rakhis and a meeting where speeches
were made even by the ladies of the town. In a public
meeting at Goalpara presided over by Abdul Aziz Saheb reso-
lutions renewing Swadeshi vow for carrying on the agitation
till partition was annulled or modified were passed and the
first being moved by a Muhammedan. Amidst deafening
shouts of Bande Mataram , at Dibrugarh Rakhi Bandhan cere-
mony was observed. In the evening a grand procession
composed mainly of the Assamese and Muhammedan residents
passed through the streets singing national anthem and shout-
ing Bande Mataram and Alla-ho-Akbar. At Gauhati, huge
procession paraded the principal streets with flags bearing

23 I r or further details see Majumdar, R. C., Op.cit Pp. 12-28.

21 News item, The Bengalee , 17, 19 and 25 October, 2 November,
1905.

2o Ibid., 14-15 August, 18 September and 11 November 1906.

20 Ibid., 17 and 19 October 1906.

Protests and Demonstrations

185

Bande Mataram , singing national songs in Assamese and
Bengali. In a meeting in the afternoon, a Muslim youth
implored his co-religionists to join the Hindus for political
regeneration of the Indians.

On the anniversary of the anti-partition day, at Badarpur
the Hindus and the Muslims both observed Rakhi Bandhan
ceremony and fasted for the whole day. In a public meeting
at Maulavi Bazar resolutions were passed renewing the
Swadeshi vow and supporting the scheme of moving the autho-
rities for placing the entire Bengali-speaking population under
one administrative unit . 27 The Surma Valley Association kept
up the agitation and strengthened people's belief in Swadeshi
and Swaraj .* The frequent visit of Bipin Chandra Pal and the
stirring speeches he made at the public meetings held at
Ilabiganj, Baniachang, Badarpur, Silchar, Karimganj spread
the message of Swaraj to the masses . 28 Born and educated in
the district of Sylhet, Pal started his political life under
moderate Surendra Nath Bauerjea.f Before long he expressed
his extremist views through the columns of New India and
formed with Tilak and Lajpat the extremist trio “Lal-Bal-Pal”.
The present government, Pal said, had combined two roles
into one — trader and ruler — and consequently both adminis-
tration and exploitation were moving hand in hand. Under
the Hindu and Mohammedan rulers of India there was no
exploitation ; whatever was spent by them remained in the
country. Under the rule of the Feringhis (foreign ruler) every
year twenty -five crores of rupees had been taken away across
the seas — resulting in famine, scarcity and appalling poverty

»

27 Ibid., 18 October 1906.

* See ante Pp. 169-71.

28 Abstract of Intelligence , Kastern Bengal and Assam Police, 23
February and 2 March 1907.

I For further study see Sen, S. P.(ed), Dictionary of National
Biography , iii, Pp. 284-7 ; Pal, B. C., Memories of my Life and Times ,
(1912 and 1952) The New Spirit (1907), The Soul of India (1911),
Swadeshi and Swaraj (1954), Writings and Speeches (1954), Haridas and
Uma Mukherjee, Bipin Chandra Pal and India’s Struggle for Swaraj (1958).

186

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

of the masses in India. It was impossible to check this
exploitation. Pal asserted, until and unless Swaraj was esta-
blished. He did not advocate a war with the Feringhis ; but
they must be driven to a corner and compelled to give the
Indians what they wanted and this could only be effected by
a boycott not alone of foreign cloth but of everything
foreign . 29 He maintained that the British rule rested on a
shaky foundation. The administration was practically in the
hands of the Indians ; and if the latter cease to work the
administration would collapse and the Feringhis would be
compelled to quit. A vow should be taken not to serve the
Feringhis and those who serve should be boycotted. To him
Swaraj was the system “wherein the people made their own
laws, decided what taxes were to be paid, how it was to be
spent, and appointed and controlled the state officials as the
people of other countries did”. In the opinion of the govern-
ment Pal had “done immense mischief” and “it would pro-
bably take many years to remove the pernicious effects of the
violent speeches from the minds of the young people ”. 30

According to a correspondent of the Bengalee who made
a tour of the principal towns of Assam Valley during the begin-
ning of the movement it was found that the attitude of the
people of Assam on the whole towards partition and Suadeshi
movement was favourable . 31 At Dhubri, Goalpara and Gauhati
he found much enthusiasm among the buyers for the purchase
of Swadeshi goods. Although stalls were full of foreign stuff,
he reported, there were no buyers for the same. At Gauhati
the correspondent found the enlightened Bengali and
Assamese people were using Kurkutch instead of liverpool-salt,
Bcnares-sugar instead of foreign sugar, deshi-cloth instead of
Manchcster-cloth. The Head Priest of the Kamakhya temple

29 Ibid.

30 News item, The Weekly Chronicle , 29 Apiil 1908, see Third Day's
Proc cyclings ( Pal Day ).

31 News item, The Bengalee, 18 November 1905, see “The Swadeshi
Movement in Assam”.

Swadeshi and Boycott Movements 187

appealed to the pandas , the grocers and sweetmeat-sellers not
to accept foreign goods or indulge in their sale and purchase
in the Nilachal hills. 32 Shops were started in different places
for the sale of Swadeshi goods. Of the four such shops at
Gauhati, the most important was the Assam Valley Trading
Company , and the majority of its shareholders wore local
pleaders. 33 At Tczpur and Barpeta, students and local shop-
keepers took the leading part in popularising the use of
indigenous goods.

The Surma Valley Association organised Swadeshi and
boycott meetings at several places and a Swadeshi mission
was started at Sylhet to propagate the message of Swadeshi
amongst the masses in rural areas. 34 What was most signi-
ficant, several zemindars through their agents called upon
their tenants to give up the sale and purchase of foreign
goods. The zemindars agents not unoflen combined with
local people exercised “coercion through the more effective
and subtle weapon of social ostracism”. 35 In many places
merchants and traders voluntarily refrained from selling foreign
goods. As a result the demand for indigenous goods was on
the increase. Hand-loom fabrics, ink, nib, matches, etc., were
locally manufactured to meet the demands of the people while
the sale of Liverpool-salt, Manchestcr-clotli and other foreign
goods practically came to standstill. 30

In response to the clarion call of Bipin Chandra Pal to
boycott government schools, forty students came out from their
institutions. 37 To cater to the needs of such students in

;12 Ibid., 8 September, 13 and 19 October 1905.

3:1 Abstract of Intelligence , Eastern Bengal and \ssain Police, 23
January 1907 ; Kamrup — 19 January.

Swadeshi shops at Gauhati were* as follows : Munshi Taihali, B. N.
Dey & Co., Brajanath Pandit and Assam Valley Trading Company.

;i HPB., January 1908, Nos. 552-3.

Ibid., No. 48.

'^lbid., October 1903, No. 108.

History Sheet (No. 41) of B. C. Pal. IIFM., Assam Unit, National
Archives of India.

188

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

October 1907 the Sylhet National School was established on
voluntary contributions. 38 The school which had its start at
the residence of Sachindra Chandra Singh, editor of the
Weekly Chronicle , had four buildings and playground close
to Jinda Bazar. It had ayurvedic and carpentry classes follow-
ing the syllabus and examinations laid down by the National
Educational Committee, Calcutta. The circulars issued by the
government debarring students and teachers from participat-
ing in anti-British agitations led to the starting of similar
schools at Habiganj, Srimangal, Baniachang and Lakhai. 39
These institutions, which were looked upon by the official
circles as the “hot-bed of seditions” exercised, in their views,
the “most pernicious influence over its students” ; teachers and
students openly took part in organising meetings, processions
and in picketing of shops selling foreign goods. Political leaf-
lets and pamphlets like Sicadhin Bharat * and Bancle Mataram
were widely and regularly circulated among the students who
were also required to commit to memory the patriotic songs
of Rankim Chandra's Anandamath. 40 In an exhibition held at

• >R The: local pleaders and muktears who had taken keen interest in these
institutions moved from place to place to raise funds for this school.
\ donation of rupees two hundred was made by the Surma Valley Asso-
ciation while Ilamaui Mohan Bose and Raja of Gauripur contributed
rupees five hundred each. One Basanta Bairagi paid rupees three
hundred to the school fund. HPB. t March 1909, Nos. 10-1 ; see Report
of the National School in the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam,
Part JI.

:i 9 Ibid., also March 1911, Nos. 5-7.

* Sec Appcndix-D.

10 Ibid also December, Nos. 15-6: January 1910, Nos. 141-2.
Copies gf Swadhin Bharat reached also the teachers and students of
the High Schools at Sibsagar, Jorhat, Nowgong, Mangakloi, Tczpur,
Gauhati and Dhubri. It is however not known whether attempts had
been made to establish centres of national education in the Assam
Valley. For the establishment of a national university in Calcutta help
and co-operation had been extended and a branch of the Association
for the Advancement of Scientific and Industrial Education of the Indians
was formed at Dibnigarh. At Tczpur funds were raised for the Society
of Agriculture and Industrial Education. HPA., June 1911, Nos. 223-4 ;
Abstract of Intelligence , Eastern Bengal and Assam Police, 9 March 1907.

National Schools

189

the Habiganj National School in 1909 nitric acid and hydro-
chloric acid prepared by the students were shown and paint-
ings on Lala Lajpat Rai, Aurobindo Ghose and Ajit Singh
were exhibited. 11

Thus National Schools were used, like those in East
Bengal, as centres for spreading the agitation, “students and
children formed the bulk of the audience at anti-partition
meetings and were organised into noisy processions that
paraded the streets of moffusil towns shouting Band? Mata ram
and interfering with trade”. 12 Being alarmed at the increasing
anti-British activities of the students, the Government of
Eastern Bengal and Assam resorted to repressive measures oik*
after another. In fact even before Fullers taking over charge
as Lieutenant Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam, R. W.
Carlyle, the Officiating Chief Secretary to the Government ol
Bengal, sent a confidential circular to the District Magistrates
and Collectors directing them to take stern action against
educational institutions if their managements did not prevent
their students from participating in anti-governmental
agitations. 43 Similar circulars followed in quick succession
including the one which prohibited llie shouting of Baade
Mataram and the holding of “Political and quasi-political
meetings”. 11 Disciplinary actions against teachers and
management of educational institutions were taken, many
students were jailed, fined and expelled from their institutions.
When the movement took a serious turn in certain areas ol
Eastern Bengal, the Government smelt sedition everywhere.
Meetings and processions were banned, editors of newspapers
were imprisoned and political leaclers were deported. 1: ' T<>

41 Op.cit.

42 Home Deposit, October 1907, No. 19.

43 HPA., June 1906, Nos. 169-86.

14 The Bengalee , 17 November, 1905.

45 HPB., January 1910, No. 83.

Commenting on the repressive measures of the new government the
Dacca Gazette remarks : “The past three years of its existence is a
dismal record of repression, waging war against school boys, prosecuting.

190

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

make matters worse, resorting to the policy of “divide and
rule”. Fuller sought to detract a large section of the
Mohammedans who had willingly participated in the move-
ment. “The New Administration* writes R. C. Majumdar,
“openly favoured the Muslims, and the first Lieutenant
Governor, Fuller said with reference to the two main sections
of the population, the Mussulmans and the Hindus, that they
were like his two queens of the Indian legends, the first being
suo (favoured) and the second duo (neglected)”. 40 Such a
partisan and communal attitude not only led to estrangement
of relationship between the two communities but resulted in
worst possible communal riols in parts of Eastern Bengal.

Evidently the anti-partition agitation in the Surma Valley
turned into a popular movement based on Swadeshi, boycott
and national education. In the Assam Valley the movement
was of course confined to urban areas where Bengali elements
in the population predominated. The Mohammedan popula-
tion of both valleys at the initial stages of the agitation made
common cause with the Hindus and joined the movement.
For the insistence on the observance of Hindu religious rites
by the anti -part it ion leaders, the Mohammedans gradually
began to cut themselves adrift from such agitations. The
incitement ol Muslim leaders like Nawab Salimullah of Dacca,
bigoted Mollahs and above all the pro-Muslim sympathy of
the British Indian Government turned them pro-partitionists
and anti-Congress. The Muhamrnedan Defence Association of
Calcutta and later the Muslim League (1906) played a signi-
ficant part in mobilising Muslim support to the government.
The former appealed to their co-rcligioi lists to celebrate 16
Octobef as a day of rejoicing instead of joining the Hindus

Swadeshi w or kins, quartering punitive Po’ice and indulging in sensa-
tional house-search, uni t deemed by a single act or administrative reform
or progress”.

40 Majumdar, H. C., History of the Freedom Movement in India , ii,
p. 12 ; Nevi>on, II. W., The New Spirit in India , p. 192 ; Tarachand,
History of the Freedom Movement in India , iii, p. 328.

Pro-Partition Agitations

191

in observing the same as a day of mourning. 17 The Anjuman-i-
Islamia of Silchar sent delegates to attend a pro-partition
meeting at Dacca on 16 October organised by the provincial
Mohammedan Association of Eastern Bengal and Assam. On
the same day at Maulavi Bazar, Habiganj, Sunamganj and
Sylhet pro-partition meetings were organised by a section of
the Muhammedans in response to the appeal of the 4 Bengali
Muslims. While asking the Muhammedans to consider parti-
tion as a boon, the above named association reminded them
that “any kind of agitation against the Government is against
the cannons of Islam”. /|S The Mahishya community of the
Surma Valley like the Muslims expressed their support and
"deep loyalty to the Government”. In the manifesto prepared
by the Sunamganj and Dacca Mahishya Sam Hies which was
circulated amongst the members of the Mahishya community
of the province, their leaders openly pronounced their “intense
hatred against seditious movements”, and it was claimed that
'they ( Mahishyas ) were always on the side' of law, order, pro-
gress and humanity”. 19

Despite wire-pullers or agent provocateurs from Bengal
trying to foment communal dsilurbance in several towns of
Assam by spreading wild rumours,’ 0 riots of a communal
nature did not flare up in Assam mainly because local Muslims
in both the valleys remained unconcerned with such false
propaganda. On the contrary, on the anniversary of the partition
day, at Dibrugarh great indignation prevailed at Nawab

47 Paper on Swadeshi Movement compiled from Abstract of Inlelli -
genre. Eastern Bengal and Assam Police: 1IKM, \ssarn Unit, National
Archives of India. •

18 Ibid .

40 IIPA., August 1909, Nos. 159-00.

so Writing on the rumours about Muhaminedan rising in Sylhet, tho
Magistrate remarks : “There can be no doubt that the rumours which
have been so prevalent are due to outside influence, probably the extre-
mists in Bengal are at the bottom of it”. Rumours were also afloat
that Nawab Salimullah of Dacca would arrive at Gauhati with his
followers and demolish the temple of the Goddess Kamakhya and loot
the Assam Valley Trading Co. of the town. The Deputy Commissioner,

192

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH"

Salimullah’s endeavours to create a division between the two
communities. Two effigies of the Nawab were reported to
have been made ; one of these was buried by the
Muhammedans and the other burnt by the Hindus . 51 In his
presidential address at the second meeting of the Surma Valley
Conference, Radha Binode Das deplored that the game of
‘'favourite wife” so assiduously played by the British had the
effect of winning the Muslims from the Hindus and what was
worse, at places they were in open hostility against them. He
reminded them that “for centuries we have lived as brotherly
neighbours sharing each other’s miseries and bound by a
thousand ties”. He was confident that these two communities
would not remain engaged in cutting each others throats for
any length of time . 52

The Partition of Bengal widened the rift which had in
the meantime developed between the Moderates and the*
Extremists in the Indian National Congress. While the Mode-
rates aimed at having a colonial form of self-government which
was to be achieved through peaceful, gradual and constitu-
tional methods, the Extremists with their firm faith in the
efficacy of boycott wanted Swaraj or complete independence.
There had also emerged about this time extreme radicals or
terrorists who sought the salvation of the motherland by

Goalpara, received a petition from certain Hindus of Sukhachar, south
of police station South Salmara, that Muslims would come from
Mymensingh and molest them. Likewise wild rumours were heard at*
Goalpara and Dhubri that Maulavis from Dacca were in the district
inciting their co-religionists, but on enquiry these were found ground-
less. Abstract of Intelligence, Eastern Bengal and Assam Police, 25 May
1907 ; Svlhet, 25 May ; Darrang, II May and Goalpara 25 May.

rj| News item. The Bengalee, 19 October 1906.

In the Garo Hills, however, some shops were looted at Mohendraganf
by Muhammedans from Mymensingh border. Though relationship bet-
ween the Hindus and Muslims was strained after the incident infection
did not spread over the border into the hills as the local Muhammedans
did not co-operate with their counterparts from Bengal. Abstract of
Intelligence. Eastern Bengal and Assam Police, 18 and 25 May and 8
June 1907.

52 The Weekly Chronicle, 22 August 1908.

Revolutionary Societies

193

adopting revolutionary methods through secret organisations
and activities including shooting and intimidating reactionary
officials and looting of government arms and treasuries. In
Bengal not less than five revolutionary societies sprang up ;
of these Anusilan Samiti of Dacca and S uliritl Samiti of
Mymensingh extended their activities by establishing branches
in different parts of the province. The Sulirid Samiti at Sylhet
was reported to have collected funds from the business com-
munity and threatened them with dire consequences if they
indulged in the sale of foreign goods. Intelligence had also
reached the government of the existence of a gun-factory run
by the Samiti in the north of Sylhet on the border of the Garo
hills. Some members of the Samiti, it was beliexed by tin 1
official circles, were involved in the Alipur conspiracy case*
and three of its members were arrested in this connection/”’

The role of the Arunachal Ashram near Silchar founded
by Curudas Choudhury, later Dayananda Swami,f is highly
significant in the history of the revolutionary movement /’ 1
It had two branches — Guuri Gauranga Ashram at Dinajpur and
Jagatshi Ashram at Baniacluing in the Maulavi Bazar sub-divi-
sion, district of Sylhet. The Ashram had a mouth-piece of its
own, the Praja Sakti — published under the editorship of
Mohendra Nath Dc at Habiganj. Apparently the Ashrams
were religious and charitable organisations, but the govern-
ment considered these as “disreputable institutions”, “a nest
of immorality”, “nuisance to the villagers”, and “a haunt ol
sedition mongers masquerading as Sadhus ”. 55 The Ashrams

Home Political Deposit, 1909 ; Report by D.I.G. Eastern Bengal
and Assam, 6 November, 1908, •

* On 4 March 1908, thirty four persons including Barindra Kumar
and Aurobindo Ghose were arrested on a charge of conspiracy. Ot
the accused, Aurobindo was acquitted ; fifteen were found guilty and
some ot them including Barindra were transported for life.

1 According to official record his real name was Abhay Chaian
Choudhury, son of Guru Charan Choudhurv, a Muktear of Habiganj.

51 History Sheet (39) of Curudas Choudhury alias Dayananda Swami,
11 KM, Assam Unit, National Archives of India.

35 IIPA., May 1910, Nos. 136-7 ; July, Nos. 42-3 ; August.

13

194

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

were no doubt the rendezvous of the youngmen and women
having firm faith in Swadeshi and Swaraj . They were reported
to have denounced the British government and Dayananda
was even said to have warned its officials that “unless they
joined the Ashram within six months they will cease to exist'’.*
Police suspicion was deepened when Dayananda declared, “we
are not under the government, we have cut off all connection
between the King and the subject”. 50

Matters came to a head on 8 July 1912, when on the pre-
text of rescuing a minor boy alleged to have been kidnapped
by the Ashramites , the police raided the Jagatshi Ashram. In
the scuffle that followed between the police and the Sadlius ,
a police officer was hit by a trisul (trident). The police
resorted to firing and a bullet struck Mohendra Nath De, the
editor of the Praja Sakti , who succumbed to his injuries. 57 The
subsequent arrest and imprisonment of Dayananda and some
of his followers raised storm of protests in the press and plat-
form alike. The Bengalee (24 July) questioned the justification
of firing and the Amrita Bazar Patrika (20 July) demanded
“a full and open enquiry*'. 58 Anonymous letters threatening
severe reprisals were issued to Deputy Commissioner, Sylhet,
Sub-divisional officer, Maulavi Bazar, and several others unless
Dayananda and his followers were released forthwith. In fact,
on 27 March 1913, an abortive attempt was made on the life
of G. Gordon, sub-divisional officer, Maulavi Bazar ; but the
assailant who was found heavily armed got himself killed
when the bomb accidentally exploded before time. 50 The

* The Ashrams at Arunachal and Baniachang were suspected to
have published and circulated revolutionary literature of the Yugantar
type. When a search was made on both on 28 April 1910, nothing was
found of “criminal or seditious nature’* ; yet these were believed to
be “suspicious institutions” demanding watchful vigilance. HPA., May
1912, No. 3.

56 History Sheet of Gurudas Choudhury, Op.cit.

57 Ibid .

58 Ibid., also HPB., August 1913, Nos. 7-11.

50 Ibid .

Arunachal Ashram

195

incident at Maulavi Bazar and the anonymous letters subse-
quently addressed to the Deputy Commissioner and other
officials, strengthened the belief that Dayananda and his party
acted in collaboration with the revolutionaries in Bengal. In
a letter to the Deputy Commissioner on 23 May, an Arunachal
Sevak wrote :

Saheb , Magistrate Saheb. Are >ou not awake even now.
Release our Dayananda Thakur and others and do justice . . . Must
hear in mind that India will soon be free (i.e. independent). What
have you understood by bomb affair ? Arc' you frightened ? You
(all) arc' not safe at our hands until you have allowed us to walk and
move freely and have abstained from torturing us. India shall not
bear persecution any longer.

Dakaities will always continue and lives of those who directly
and indirectly tyrannise the Indians will expire anywhere and every-
where by bomb and revolver. You will not live peacefully with
(your) Mem in Tndia. Again sepoy Mutiny will take place. You will
see everything in no time . . .

In one corner at the top was written “Rebellious British
soldiers arc coming ; no safety*. In another corner, “party of
Dayananda is on all sides. No safety” (i0

Although official reports are lacking as to the activities of
the revolutionaries in the valley of the Brahmaputra, the exis-
tence of a centre of disaffection at Gaulmti was suspected by
the police when inflamatory literature of the Yugantar typo
was found in some hostels and the notice board of the Cotton
College, Gauhati.* 1 The voluntary organisation — the Sera
Sangha — under Ambikagiri is said to have developed into a
terrorist organisation on the lines of the Anusilan Sarniti , for
which even personal contacts were made with some revolu-
tionaries of Bengal. The members of the Sangha used to have
regular drill and physical exercises, including training in wrest-
ling, Jujutsu , Lathi , sword and dagger-play besides swimming
and riding. They were said to have even collected arms and

60 Ibid., see (Confidential) Assam Abstract, 1913, Para No. 005.

61 HPA., July 1910, Nos. 112-3.

196

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

ammunitions to overawe the police and murder high officials
of the government including Bamfylde Fuller, the Lieutenant
Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam / 13 The inherent weak-
ness of the organisation, paucity in the number of members
and above all strict vigilance of the police prevented the
Sangha from making much headway in its activities.

In fact, the Assamese elite who had little faith in revo-
lutionary activities denounced terrorism in any form and
shape 1 . Lakshminath Bezbaruah had condemned the very
idea of liberating the country through terrorist methods. In
an article “Bom” published in Kripcibar Bar Baruar Bhabar
Burburani , lie had totally disapproved the cult of violence
as had been adopted by the educated youths of Bengal in
eliminating unpopular officials. There was no bravery, he said,
in such activities, it was nothing but cowardice /' 3 Sycd
Muhammad SauduUah expressed in the floor of the Assam
Legislative Council the detestation of the Muslims and the
Hindus ol the Surma Valley at “the anarchical attempt” and
^diabolical design” at Maulavi Bazar / 11 The Swadeshi move-
ment as such was commended by the local press as “a potent
remedy for combating the alleged growing poverty in India”,
but it condemned the violent activities of the extremists/"
‘\\l .should hoot out those persons” remarked the Asam Bautin

Who may come from other provinces to dissemiuai'* sedition
among the people of Assam. Ovir people should discontinue suhs-
ciibing to such newspapers as arc; permeated with seditious
sentiments. ,,r ’

' “ Uay C'houdhury, A., Mur Jibuti Dhumuhar Asati , Pp. 16-26:
Kakati, B. Is., “Ambikagiri Ray Choudlmrir Y> ktitwat Ahhumuki” in
Kutuki, U., Amhikagirir Vt/aklituor Ahhas\ Pp. 11-26.

Sarniah, S. N., “Kripabar Barharuar Rajniti” in Lakshminath
Bezbaruah , Pp. 230-2

*' ‘ ALOP., vol. No. ?>, 10 April 1913.

^'MIPB., August 1911, No. 64 (Confidential) see Report nn the
Native-owned and Vernacular News Papers , for the year 1910.

<,c Ibid ., June 1910, Op.cit for the year 1908.

Repressive Measures

197

In a similar strain The Times of Assam warned that,

the votaries of Swadeshi and Swaraj can never expect the people
to follow their lead so long as their programme is bloodshed, vio-
lence and disorder. 67

Even the Weekly Chronicle , which was critical of the repres-
sive measures of the government, condemned the terrorist acti-
vities at Muzaffarpur* inasmuch as

such outiagcous methods of political agitation were not only
foreign, hut absolutely revolting to the spirit of the Indian culture
and civilization. And we think that in the interest of the very
cause which these misguided enthusiasts sought to advance, these
organisations should be stamped out root and branch.** 8

To combat the spurt of terrorist activities the Government
of India passed several repressive measures in quick succession.
Mention may be made in this connection of (i) the Seditious
Meetings Act (1907), (ii) the Explosive Substance Act (1908),

(iii) the Newspapers (Incitement to offences) Act (1908),

(iv) the Criminal Law Amendment Act (1908) and (v) Indian
Press Act (1910). Ordinances and enactments were also made
restricting the right of free speech, criticism of government
policy, taking out of processions, demonstrations, etc*. In Assam
the Criminal Law Amendment Act was freely exercised by
the local authorities to prohibit staging of dramas and jatras
with seditious tendencies.® 9 Besides restrictions on the press
and platform, extremist leaders of prominence were deported
or sentenced to long term imprisonment. Bipin Chandra Pal

67 Ibid.

On 30 April 1908, Khudiram Hosij and Prafulla Chaki, two teuo-
rists, made an attempt on the life of Mr. Kingston!, the unpopular
District Judge of Muzaffarpur ; but the bomb that was thrown through
mistake tell on the carriage of Pringle Kennedy killing his daughter
and W'ite. Prafulla shot himself dead when he was about to be arrested
and Khudiram w*as tried and hanged.

68 Ibid.

IIPB., August 1910, No. 106.

In exercise of the provisions of this Act singing of the patriotic
songs and performance of operas of Mukunda Das was prohibited in
Assam.

198

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ITS AFTERMATH

was imprisoned in October 1907 ; and the same year saw the
arrest and deportation of Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai to
Mandalay. Aurobindo had to suffer prosecution on charges of
waging war against the king. The imprisonment of Tilak
was the greatest blow to the activities of the extremists.
"Without any leader and organisation, the nationalists crushed
by repressive measures of government went underground, and
terrorist outrage increased by leaps and bounds.” 70

70 Majumdar, R. C. ; History of the Freedom Movement in India, ii,
Pp. 329-330.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Morley-Minto Reforms and Assam

When towards the close of 1905 the general elections in
England returned the Liberal Party to power, John Morley,
“a student of Burke, a disciple of Mill and a friend and bio-
grapher of Gladstone” became the Secretary of State for India.
The new Secretary of State was not slow to realise that repres-
sion alone would not restore normalcy in the Indian sub-
continent, that endeavours need be made to rally the loyal
elements, otherwise the British government will lose their,
support and "moral claim to rule”. Curzons successor Lord
Minto in spite of his obsession that “the very existence of our
Raj in India depended upon the evidence of strength” 1 also
felt that the anti-British elements could be checked only by
“skillful division of the enemy forces” and “a dexterous com-
bination of ruthlessness and affability”. Morley was told : “we
are here a small British garrison surrounded by millions com-
posed of factors of an inflammability unknown to the western
world and we must be physically strong or go to the wall”. 2
There must be an effective counterpoise to the growing Indian
nationalism and this could be supplied by weaning over the
Muslims from the Hindus. To that end Minto prepared the
ground when he affirmed the Muslim delegation at Simla on
1 October 1906 that “any electoral representation in India
would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at
granting a personal enfranchisement regardless of the beliefs

1 Minto to Morley, 23 December 1909 ; cited in Das, M. N., India

under Morley and Minto , p. 142. •

2 Minto to Morley, May 1906 ; cited in Tarachand, iii, History
of the Freedom Movement in India , p. 366.

200

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

and traditions of the communities composing the population of
this continent”. 3 He assured them that in the event of adminis-
trative reorganisation their claim would be estimated "not
merely on their numerical strength but in respect to their
political importance in the country and the services it rendered
to the empire”. 4 Minto’s assurances being dittoed by Morley
were embodied in the Government of India Act, 1909 or
Morley-Minto Reforms. The Muslims were granted under
the Regulations not only separate electorate but additional
membership not warranted by the numerical strength of their
population.

The discussion on constitutional reforms both in England
and India raised high hopes amongst the people of Assam
that their legitimate aspirations would also be fulfilled. This
had afforded them at least the opportunity to demand annul-
ment of the partition, a sine qua non for removing the present
maldies of Assam which had been aggravated by her amalga-
mation with the districts of Eastern Bengal. A few Assamese
residents of Calcutta led by Raja Prabhat Chandra Bamah,
President of the Assam Association, prepared a memorial to
be placed before the Secretary of State praying for separation
of Assam from Eastern Bengal. 5 The memorial which was
signed amongst others by Manik Chandra Baruah, the General
Secretary of the Association, pointed out that the partition
had reversed the whole process of development which was set
in motion since her separation from Bengal in 1874. The
union of Assam with the advanced districts of Bengal had
brought in its train a new set of rules and regulations for
recruitment to executive and judicial services of the province.

,1 Speeches of the Earle of Minto, Pp. 69-70.

4 Ibid.

5 Abstract of Intelligence , Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1907, “Assam

Memorial”, see Garo Hills, 4 May, Kamrup, 11 May and 13 April,
Goalpara. *

The signatories were Manik Chandra Baruah, Raja Prabhat Chandra
Baruah, Lalit Chandra Naik, Kamala Kanta Das and Ram Prasad Das.

Assam Associations Memorial to the Secretary of State 201

The new administration had not only declared that it would
protect the interest of the Muhammedans of Eastern Bengal
but assured them of larger number of appointments under the
rules. Educationally, too, Assam was yet to fall in line with
the transferred districts of Bengal. The only College in the
Brahmaputra Valley — the Cotton College — was not of the
standard of the Dacca College. The memorialists regretted
that the Lieutenant Governor had turned down the demand
for upgrading of this institution on the ground that Ranchi
needed a college to cater to the educational needs of that
region. Consequently, prospects of educationally backward
youths of Assam was becoming very bleak in the face of com-
petition from their counterparts of advanced areas of Bengal.
The memorialists in conclusion added that hitherto the Chief
Commissioner and other high officials paid frequent visits to
the different parts of the Brahmaputra Valley ; but the
Lieutenant Governor “will be unable to devote as much time
as is necessary for proper administration of Assam” since he
will be preoccupied with the affairs of Bengal. 6 In consi-
deration of these facts, the memorialists demanded that

The present partition be withdrawn and that a Governor and
Council be appointed for the whole of Bengal (old and the new
province) including Assam, and Assam be placed under a separate
Commissioner with a separate service, but reserving a seat for an
Assamese on the Council and that its administration should be
assimilated to that of Sindh. Such an arrangement would be most
convenient to the people of Assam and would be in harmony with
the popular opinion of the province . 7

The representation of the memorialists was a cry in wilder-
ness since the Secretary of State was not prepared to unsettle
a “settled fact”. There was also none in central or provincial
legislatures to look after the interests of Assam. The Indian
Council Act of 1861 set up a Council for the Bengal Division,
but Assam was left out of its scope although it formed a part

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

£02

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

of the Presidency. In the Imperial Legislative Council follow-
ing the Councils Act of 1892, the only representative from
Assam was an Englishman — James Buckingham who was
concerned with the interest of the European planting commu-
nity. Even in the Council of Eastern Bengal and Assam, the
interest of the people of Assam always went in default. The
non- Assamese members of the Council took little or no interest
in the affairs of Assam and in fact some of them were so much
allergic to this province that they could not tolerate the reten-
tion of the very name “Assam” in the provision of a certain
Act. 8

It was indeed a sigh of relief when in 1908 for the first
time Manik Chandra Baruah was elected to the Council by
the Local Boards of Assam and Bengal. In his maiden speech
in the Council, Baruah exposed the evil effects from which
Assam had suffered since the partition of Bengal. When Assam
had again been annexed to a part of Bengal, he said, “we are
reminded of the early days of the British rule during which
our best interests were sacrificed”. 9 By partition "Assam has
suffered most” and under new arrangements “both the Ahoms
and the Assamese Hindus are in great danger of being elbowed
out of all government as well as industrial employment by the
people of West Bengal” and that unless special measures were
taken, he was afraid, Assamese and their language were “in
great danger of being crushed out”. 10 He, therefore, appealed
to the Government to take special interest concerning the
people of Assam as they formed a minority in the new
province. In support of his argument, he pointed out, that in
proportion to her population Assam should pay ten per cent
of the total revenue while she actually contributed thirty-three
per cent. She was thus four times more heavily taxed than
Eastern Bengal. Since Assam was much more highly assessed
than the other and more fortunate part of the province in

8 EBAP., 6 February 1907.

9 EBAP., 23 February 1907.

10 Ibid., 9 April 1909.

Partition Annulled

20 &

relation to population, he maintained “Assam is entitled to
a much larger share of revenue for improvement of her material
condition”. 11

The addition of three Assamese members to the Council —
Bhuban Ram Das, Prabhat Chandra Baruah and Syed Abdul
Majid — following the Act of 1909, emboldened Manik Baruah
to plead more forcefully the needs and requirements of the
province. He deplored in his speech on the policy of the
government in raising the land revenue at every settlement
without reference to the productive capacity of the land or the
condition of the ryots} 2 He damanded “exclusive rights of
the children of the soil” to the public services of the
country. The main architect of the Cotton College, Gauhati,
Manik Chandra Baruah never failed to plead for its growth and
development for the spread of higher education in the eastern
region of India. Improvement of communication by rail, road
and water, agriculture, industries, trade and public health
received equal attention of Baruah and his colleagues in the
Council. 13

The establishment of representative Parliamentary govern-
ment in India remained “a mere dream” under the Act of 1909.
Minto stated in unambiguous terms that “representative
Government in its western sense is totally inapplicable to the
Indian Empire and would be uncongenial to the tradition of
the Eastern population”. 14 Morley echoed the same senti-
ment when he said in the House of Commons : “I should not
be taken to indicate for a moment that I dream you can trans-
plant British Institutions wholesale into India ... I do not
insist that India should be on the same footing as our self-
governing colonies like Canada”. 15 * Consequently the reforms

11 Ibid .

12 EBAP., 0 April 1909.

13 Ibid 5 April 1909.

14 Minto, Speeches , 1905-10, Pp. 378-9 ; cited in Chose, S., The
Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in India , p. 281.

15 Morley, Budget Speech of 1900, cited in Tarachand ; Op.cit.,.
p. 302.

204

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

"afforded no answer and would afford no answer to Indian
Political problems”. 16 The Extremists rejected the reforms
outright and even the Moderates who were jubilant at the
initial stage saw the dangerous consequences of the policy
of "Divide and Rule” and the innovation of separate* electo-
rate for the Muslims in India. The political situation, there-
fore, remained unaltered and the "vicious circle of terrorist
outrage and savage repression” continued unabated. Lord
Hardinge who succeeded Minto in 1910 clearly saw that "if
there was to be peace in two Bengals it was absolutely neces-
sary to do something to remove what was regarded by all
Bengalis as an act of flagrant injustice without justification”. 17
The proposals of the Viceroy — the reconstitution of the pro-
vince of Bengal and the transfer of the capital of India to
Delhi, received the approval of Lord Crew, the new Secretary
of State for India who actually initiated the discussion on the
subject. In a durbar held in Delhi, December 1911, His
Majesty George V, the King-Emperor, announced “the creation
at as early a date as possible of a Governorship-in-Council for
the Presidency of Bengal, of a new Lieutenant Governor-
ship in Council administering the areas of Bihar, Chota
Nagpur and Orissa and of a Chief Commissioncrship of
Assam. 18

Assam reverted to a Chief Commissioners province with
a Legislative Council of its own at Shillong. The restoration
of status quo by itself was a welcome relief to the Assamese
and the local press hailed with joy the decision of the
government. 10 On the otherhand the people of the Surma
Valley, particularly those of the district of Sylhet, considered
»

10 Report on Indian Constitutional Reform (1918), Pp. 68-9.

17 Lord Hardinge, My Indian Years ; 1910-6, Pp. 36-40, cited in
Tarachand, History of the Freedom Movement in India, iii, p. 434.

18 Cited in Datta, K. K., Renaissance, Nationalism and Social Changes
in Modern India . d. 37.

19 HPB., June 1912, No. 74 ; Confidential, see section under
General .

Secessionist Movement in Sylhet

205

that "a deep injury and a deep wound” had been inflicted on
the Bengali-speaking population by tagging them to Assam
having no affinity, whatever, geographical, ethnological and
linguistic. 20 In the words of Archdale Earle, the Chief Com-
missioner of Assam : “They wished to be spurred to higher
things by contact with the advanced Bengalis and they lose
by being pitted against the backward races of Assam”. 21
Inevitably, the district was “convulsed by an unparalled agi-
tation”. A public meeting was held at Sylhet on 15 April
1912 under the presidentship of Syed Abdul Majid, President
of the Anjuman-l-Islamia, demanding its separation from
Assam. 22 In its support, a meeting of the Muslim Association
in Dacca under the presidency of Nawab Samsul Hilda, passed
resolutions recommending amalgation of Sylhet with Bengal.
Protesting against the measure, a memorial was submitted to
Lord Hardinge, the Viceroy of India, which was signed by all
the members of the Legislative Council, Hindus and Muslims,
Zamindars and other influential people of the district. 22

Before long, the attitude of a substantial section of the
Muslims underwent a change and they started supporting
retention of Sylhet in Assam. They felt that they were back-
ward and were likely to receive more attention from the Assam

20 Nehru Museum Library, File No. 3/1945; History of Agitation
for Reunion of Sylhet with Bengal.

Sylhet which was a part of Bengal even during the Mughal rule
was transferred to Assam on the reconstitution of the province in 1874
The people of Sylhet felt that a great wrong had been done to them
by tagging them to an economically, politically and culturally backward
province like Assam. The demand for reunion which they made in a
memorial to Lord Northbrooke on 10 August 1874, was rejected by
the government, but they were assured that they would continue to
obtain the benefits of legal institutions of Bengal as well as the Bengal
Land Revenue Regulations.

21 HPA., Calcutta Records, 1912, No. 1 ; Earle to Hardinge, 31 July
1912.

22 Nehru Museum Library, Op.cit., see speech by K- K. Chanda
at the Imperial Council on 6 February 1918.

23 Ibid.

206

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

administration than from Bengal government.* Syed Abdul
Majid, hitherto a staunch supporter of reunion, in his telegram
of August informed the Viceroy that “over 15,000 Muslims
meeting assembled yesterday representating the entire Muslim
population, Sylhet district, earnestly pray retention of Sylhet
in Assam”. 21 Even the small number of Muslims then sup-
porting the Hindus, the Chief Commissioner remarked, “is
likely to become still smaller if, as it seems probable, the
formation of a provincial branch of All India Muslim League
is decided upon”. 23

From the very beginning the authorities were determined
not to yield to the demand of the separationist for reasons
economic and political. In the opinion of the official circles
Sylhet was occupying a “predominant position”, it had pros-
pered exceedingly, t its administration was placed on “a sound
footing” and that “there was no guarantee that Sylhet would
enjoy the same privilege under Bengal administration”. 20 Any
modification in existing boundaries, it was feared, would

* In the special session of the Assam Legislative Council in July 1926,
Maulavi Dewan Wasil Choudhury explained that the separation would
deprive the people of Sylhet free Vernacular education which was not
in vogue in Bengal and the Sylhet people would be required to pay
about Rs. 1,25,000 as tax in the shape of school fees for vernacular
education. Moreover, the chowkidari tax will have to be paid by them
at an enhanced rate and the country boats would be taxed touching
mostly the pockets of the poor Namasudras, Patnies and Mahimallas.
Above all, the introduction of Bengal Tenancy Act could prove ruinous
both to land holders and ryots of Sylhet.

24 IIPA., Calcutta Records, 1912, Op.cit., see copy of telegram from
Syed Abdul Majid, 5 August 1912.

25 Ibid., Earle to Hardinge, 31 July 1912.

t The fact that Sylhet was enjoying a better position vis a vis the dis-
tricts of Assam Valley was corroborated by Kamini Kumar Chanda in
the floor of the Assam Legislative Council while demanding the exten-
sion of jury system to Sylhet. In support of it, he quoted figures to
show that in the field of education, trade and industry the total figures
of all Assam Valley districts were equal to the figures of Sylhet. ALCP.,
No. 41, 19 March 1913 ; Assam Gazette, part vi, p. 7.

26 Reforms Department Proceedings, General Deposit, October 1920,
No. 11 ; Arbuthnott to Chief Commissioner, 13 June 1912.

Assam Legislative Council : Its Workings .

207

adversely affect the Muslims who were in the majority and
the tea-planting community that made significant contribu-
tion to the economic development of the district. "The
interests of the planters in these two districts ( Sylhet and
Cachar) are every way identical and the severance of Sylhet
would react most injuriously on the Cachar planters.” 27
Above all, the separation of Sylhet would open the floodgate
for similar secessionist movement of the plains of Cachar,
Lushai hills and even of Goalpara, upsetting existing arrange-
ments and destroying Hindu-Muslim ratio in the population
of Bengal, which Hardinges’ government was not prepared to
concede. 28 "In the newly constituted province of Bengal, the
Muhammedans must remain in a position of approximate
numerical equality with, or possibly of small superiority over
the Hindus.” 29 The Chief Commissioner was advised by the
Viceroy to tell the agitators that "the Government of India
have no intention of making any modification in the bounda-
ries of the province of Assam.”*

Notwithstanding the discontentment of a section of the
Bengali-speaking population of the Surma Valley, Assam was
forging ahead as a separate province with a Council of her own
from 1 April 1912. . In the reconstituted council the govern-
ment was in the majority having fourteen nominated members
in a house of twenty-five. Of the leading members mention
may be made of Kamini Kumar Chanda, Manik Chandra
Baruah, Padmanath Gohain Baruah, Tarun Ram Phookun,
Ghanashyam Baruah, Radha Binode Das, Muhammad Saadullah

27 HPA., Calcutta Records, 1912, Op.cit.

28 Ibid., Hardinge to Earle, 5 August 1912.

29 Ibid., Hardinge to Earle, 28 August 1913.

* The Government decided to refrain from making any official *
announcement on this issue since the Home Member of the Government
of India categorically stated on 7 March 1912 that it would not con-
sider any proposal for inclusion of any Bengali-speaking area in Bengal.
When the matter was again raised by Kamini Kumar Chanda in the
Assam Legislative Council on 2 January 1913, the government spokes-
man in reply reiterated its earlier stand. HPA., Calcutta Records,
Op.cit ; ALCP., 19 March 1913.

208

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

and Raja Probhat Chandra Baruah. Although Councillors like
Manik Chandra Baruah were vigilant in safeguarding the
legitimate interest of the Assamese and not unoften pressed
for the resolutions passed by the Assam Association , they never
failed or faltered to uphold the interest of the people as a
whole. The attention of the Councillors was drawn early to
the workings of the self-governing institutions. Local self-
government in those days was only in name. The Local Boards
in particular were dominated by the government officials and
the tea-planters ; and the Chairman of these bodies was in-
variably a high district official. The representation in the Local
Board was apparently vitiated by utter neglect of the interest
of the rate-payers. The Councillors were unanimous in their
demand for reform and reorganisation of the existing Boards
on the line of the Government of India’s resolution of May
1882. Manik Chandra Baruah who represented the Local
Boards and later the Municipalities urged that there should be
a well-understood principle of allotment of seats in proportion
to the payment of local rates.' 10 Padmanath Gohain Baruah
criticised the policy of the government in giving undue
representation to the planters in the Local Boards, and he
argued that their interest in the Local Boards was not so
“universal” as those of the native population. ;il “In matters
of education, sanitation, water-supply, etc. . . . the interest of
the industry (tea industry) is almost nil. Their interest is
confined more or less entirely to matter of communication,
and in that branch, the rate-payers are equally interested/' 33
When the Bill for Local Self-Government was debated on the
floor of the Council on 10 November 1914, non-official
members in a body supported the amendment moved by
'Kamini Kumar Chanda that the Boards be given the power
of electing their Chairman. “It will be taking life of these
bodies” remarked Tarun Ram Phookun, “if we are to restrict

30 ALCP., 13 March 1915.
3A Ibid .

32 Ibid .

Assam Legislative Council : Its Workings

209

their powers as regards the appointment of a non-official
Chairman”. 33 The amendment was ultimately lost and
rejected. The support of the European members and the tea-
planters enabled the government to declare that it was not
prepared to accept the payment of local rates as the sole
criterion in the matter of representation in such bodies. 34

Excise and grazing tax also had been the target of attack
of the Assamese members and they had the support of the
public, particularly of the Assam Association , 3S In the
Brahmaputra Valley, the universal consumption of opium had
so much of demoralising effect that it was generally felt that
the fate of the Assamese people would be sealed unless this
habit was stopped. In spite of growing public opinion, govern-
ment was neither prepared to welcome any measure seeking
prohibition nor to relinquish any part of its revenue on this
account on one plea or another. It satisfied itself in raising
the rates of government opium and reducing the number of
licenses for retail sales which had little effect in eradicating
the evil. So the demand for prohibition was emphatic from
local members in the Council. Pleading for total prohibition
in his budget speech of 1919, Phanidhar Chaliha pronounced
“if opium trade is retained the Assamese race will be almost
extinct”. 30 When he characterised the traffic in opium as
“tainted money”, there was a great uproar in the Treasury
Benches and N. D. Beatson Bell, the President of the Council,
tauntingly asked him to return the “tainted money” which he
had received as pay and allowances since his appointment as
a government servant and also as a pensioner. 37 The castiga-
tion of an honourable member of the Council by no less a
person than its President was an insult not only to the honour
of Chaliha but to other members of the Council. Inevitably

33 Ibid.

34 12 lanuary 1918.

35 Ibid., 21 March 1917, 6 April 1918.

**lbid., 5 April 1919.

37 Ibid.

14

210

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

the incident had its repurcussions both within and outside
the country. 38

The grazing tax which was introduced in 1888 as a cattle-
fee at the rate of annas eight per head of cattle rose to a
rupee in 1907 and shot up in 1912 to rupees three per head on
buffalo and annas six on other homed-cattle. 39 This was
construed not only as a taxation, directly and indirectly, on a
vitally important article of food, namely milk, but also a
“repression* * on the growth of cattle which form the “life and
soul of agriculture” in an agricultural country like Assam.
What was worse, defaulters were heavily fined and criminally
prosecuted for non-payment on due dates. The gradual en-
hancement of rates and the oppressive manner of their collec-
tion, naturally, raised a storm of protest both in the press and
the platform. The Assam Association in its session at Cauhati
in 1916 strongly urged the reduction of the rate and amend-
ment of the rules of its assessment. 40 Phanidhar Chaliha and
Ghanashyam Baruah demanded in the Council total abolition
of this “oppressive, hateful and abominable tax”. Supporting
the resolution Saadullah described the tax as “not only dan-
gerous but obnoxious to the community”. 41 Despite protests
within and outside the Council, the government remained
unmoved ; it expressed its unwillingness to forego the amount
of revenue under this head.

When the Morley-Minto reforms opened the problem of
the minorities in India, it was but natural that members
belonging to these communities would plead for their special
needs and requirements in the Council. “It is of course my
duty” candidly expressed Padmanath Gohain Baruah, a repre-
sentative of the Ahoms, “to further or protect the interests of

38 Ibid.

See page 220n.

39 Speeches delivered in the Legislative Council for the abolition
of the grazing tax in 1921 ; see Resolution .

40 Ibid., Allen, B. C., Note on Agitation Against Grazing Tax , 22
February 1917.

41 ALCP., 6 October 1918.

Assam Legislative Council : Its Workings 211

my community, but I yield to none in my endeavours to pro-
tect and uphold the interests of my country and country-
men”. 42 While deprecating the predominance of the official
elements in the Local Boards, Muhammad Saadullah demanded
communal representation of the Muslims in these bodies.
"The Muhammedan community is so scattered in Assam
proper” said Saadullah, “that we can hardly expect to be re-
presented if our Hindu brethren choose to control us”. 43

The debates and discussions in the Councils, whether of
Eastern Bengal and Assam, or of the province of Assam were
mere “pious wishes” of the members who had little or no
power to carry these out. Under the new Act, the Councils
had been subordinated to the executive and were virtually
reduced to the position of advisory bodies. The members
could not veto on any item of expenditure proposed or tax
levied. The official members were supposed to give support
to the government in carrying out any measure or in voting
down a non-official members resolution. The implementation
of a non-official resolution was dependent on the sweet will
of the government. As a result power and responsibilities of
legislators were greatly circumscribed. “It is of the utmost
importance” remarked Sita Nath Ray in the Eastern Bengal
and Assam Council, “both in the interest of the government
and the governed . . . that all the Councils should be reformed
and enlarged and a potential and substantial voice allowed
to the people in the legislation and in the management of
the finances of their own country. The tax-payer like the man
who pays the piper should have a voice in the tune . . . ”. 44
Even a government nominated member of the Assam Legis-
lative Council Muhammad Saadullah expressed his remorse at
the way in which the members of the Council were treated
by the executive. The Councillors were not only denied the
right of becoming the authors of the budget, but they had

42 Ibid., 10 April 1913.

**Ibid., 19 March 1913; 2 April 1914.
4 4 EBAP., 3 April 1907.

212

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

not been given even the right of discussing it. Snatching
away of such . right from people s representatives, Saadullah
was constrained to remark, put the Councils to shame. 45
Radha Binode Das expressed his embarrassment with his posi-
tion as a Councillor sitting in the house “with the avowed
object of talking and of doing little”. 46

On the outbreak of the first World War India was declared
a belligerent. The Congress led by the Moderates had pledged
its all out support and co-operation to war efforts by Britain
in the hope of radical changes in the political situation after
the war which would strengthen its demand for self-govern-
ment. At this juncture, even Tilak the Extremist leader declared
that “it is the duty of every Indian, be he great or small, rich
or poor, to support and assist His Majesty’s Government to
the best of his ability”. 17 But the terrorists who had gone
underground attempted to wrest freedom from British rule
by armed revolt by the Indian army and with the help of
powers in enmity with Britain. Indian revolutionaries made
arrangements for securing supplies of arms and money from
abroad and organisations were set up in London, Paris and
San Francisco for the purpose. For the punishment and
suppression of revolutionary activities Imperial Legislative
Council hurriedly passed the Defence of India Act, 1915. It
authorised the Local governments in supersession of the
Criminal Law to institute summary trials of “Political suspects”
by Special Tribunals with powers to inflict sentences of death
and transportation for life and their judgment was to be “final
and conclusive”. • During 1915-16, carrying “a price of
Rs. 20,000 over his head”, Jadu Gopal Mukherjee, an out-
standing revolutionary, eluding the vigilance of police kept
Aip his activities from Assam, f In 1917, Jadu Gopal with his

45 ALCP., 20 April 1917; 0 April 1918.

46 ALCP., 6 April 1918.

47 Tahmankar, D. V., Lokamanya Tilak , p. 210.

t Jadu Gopal is reported to be “a 4 two- gun* man who could easily
shoot it out with the police holding a revolver in each hand'*. Bom in
1880 at Tamluk in the district of Midnapur, Bengal, he came in contact

Activities of the Revolutionaries

213

associates made an attempt to open out a route to China from
their “shelters” in the Assam-Bhutan border wherein revolvers,
guns and other lethal weapons were collected ; but on
account of lack of funds and division in the party, the project
had ultimately to be abandoned. 48 Several revolutionaries
fell into the hands of the police, though some of them remained
at large. On 18-19 January 1918, after armed clashes with
the police, Nalini Ghose and some other revolutionaries , who
had been hiding at Fancy Bazar and Athgaon in Gauhati,
were arrested and later tried by Special Commissions under
the Defence of India Act. Nalini Ghose was sentenced to
seven years’ imprisonment and four others to three years’ con-
finement in jail under the Arms Act. 19

The war had accelerated the pace of constitutional deve-
lopment in India. The utterances made by the English
Statesmen that they were waging a war “to make the world
safe for democracy” and the declaration of Woodrow Wilson,
the President of the U.S.A., that “wc fight for liberty, the self-
determination and the undictated development of the peoples”,
could not but raise similar hopes in the minds of the Indians.
In the post-war period “if the Poles and the Alsatians and the
Danes were to be left free to determine their own policy how
could India be refused what the conscience of the world had
conceded to the smaller European nations”. 50 The general

with the revolutionaries while he was a student in the Medical College,
Calcutta. An active worker of the Y ugantar party, during the War
Jadu Gopal carried on negotiations with Germany for supply of arms
to Indian revolutionaries. In 1921, on being granted amnesty he came
out from his hiding and successfully completed the MB course securing
the first place in Medicine. A charming personality, Mukherjee was
“immersed in the Upanishadic Traditions and also made a deep study
of other religious faiths. He was also a connoisseur of classical music
and a master of Bengali prose*’. He died at Ranchi on 31 August
1978.

48 HPB., August 1919, Nos. 315-9 ; Obituary Column, the Statesman ,
3 September 1976.

49 HPB., May 1918, No. 481-4.

50 Ghose, S., The Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in India, p. 334.

214

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

feeling was that great constitutional changes were in the offing
and that the ground must be prepared to that end. In
September 1916, nineteen members of the Imperial Legislative
Council drafted a memorandum proposing a scheme of
government "acceptable to the people because it is responsible
to them”. About this time Mrs Annie Besant and Tilak, since
released from imprisonment, started Home Rule Movement
independently to pressurise British public opinion by intense
agitation for granting self-government to India. The death
of moderate leaders Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Pheroz Shah
Mehta already removed the obstacle for the reunion of the
Extremists and the Moderates since the Surat Split in 1907.
To crown all in the Congress-League accord and the Lucknow
Pact (December 1916) the leaders of both the parties formu-
lated a scheme of government demanding equal status in the
Empire with the self-governing dominions.

The unity in the rank of Congressmen, Congress-League
accord, the announcement of President Wilson, the successes
of the Russian revolution and the popular recognition of the
Indian revolutionaries created a favourable political climate
for post-war reforms in India. British Statesmen realised that
any postponment of the decision of the Indian problem would
hamper in the successful prosecution of the war and hence
there followed the declaration of E. S. Montagu, the Secretary
of State for India, on 20 August 1917, that the policy of His
Majesty’s government in India

is that of the increasing association of Indians in every branch of
administration and the gradual development of self-governing
institutions with a view to the progressive realisation of the res-
ponsible Government in India as an integral part of the British
Empire. 51

The historic announcement made by the Secretary of
State was hailed by the Moderates as the “Magna Charta of
India”, but the Extremists regarded it as “unsatisfactory both

41 Cited in Singh, G. N. Landmarks in Indian Constitutional and .
National Development, p. 293.

Montagu-C helmsford Report

215

in language and substance”. As a compromise the Congress
in its Calcutta Session (1917) passed the following resolution :

This congress expresses its grateful satisfaction over the pro-
nouncement made by His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India
on behalf of the Imperial Government and its object is the esta-
blishment of responsible government in India.

This Congress strongly urges the necessity for immediate enact-
ment of a Parliamentary Statute providing for the establishment of
Responsible Government in India, the full measure to be attained
within a time limit to be fixed in the Statute itself at an early
date.

This Congress is emphatically of opinion that the Congress-
-League scheme of reforms ought to be immediately introduced by
the Statute as the first step in the process.

To make a personal study of the Indian political situation
Montagu arrived in India on 10 December 1917. During his
stay here for six months, accompanied by Chelmsford, the
Viceroy of India, Montagu visited different parts of the country
and received a series of deputations from political parties
including a joint delegation of the Congress and the Muslim
League. The report, jointly signed by Montagu and
Chelmsford, containing the proposed reforms being published
in July 1918 was received with mixed feelings by the Indians.
Not only did the demand for self-government remain a far
cry, political concessions proposed to be given to the Indians
were hedged by certain limitations. The bonafides of the
bureaucrats was also greatly doubted when in the meantime
a committee under Justice Sydney Rowlatt drafted a set of
rules to replace the Defence of India Act which would be in-
operative on the termination of the World War. Neverthe-
less, Moderates like Surendra Nath Banerjea welcomed the
scheme as a great political advance, but Tilak regarded it as
"entirely unacceptable”. Annie Besant denounced the reforms
as "unworthy of England to offer and unworthy of India to
accept”. A special session of the Congress held at Bombay
in August 1918, condemned the Montagu scheme as "disappoin-
ting and unsatisfactory” and asserted that "the people of India
are fit for self-government”, and declared that "nothing less

216

MORLEY-MZNTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

than self-government within the Empire can satisfy the Indian
people”. This was not only reaffirmed at the Delhi session
of the Congress in December 1918, but a new clause was
added to the effect that "so far as provinces are concerned, full
responsible government should be granted at once, and that
no part of British India should be excluded from the benefit
of the proposed constitutional reforms . .

The Assam Association in its session at Goalpara on 27-29
December 1918, emphatically demanded self-government for
India and the abolition of the repressive laws envisaged in the
Rowlatt Bills and the Arms Act. 52 In his presidential address
Tarun Ram Phookun regretted that the Montagu-Chelmsford
Scheme of Reforms had fallen short of the expectation raised
by the announcement made by His Majesty’s Government.
Commenting on the attitude of the English officers, English
traders and other die-hards who used to say that India was
not fit for' self-government, Phookun argued that one cannot
learn swimming without plunging into water :

If India is not fit for self-government even after a century and
half of British Rule, who is responsible for this ? It is the British
Rule which is to blame. The British officials who came from
England to rule here know neither the language nor manners and
customs of the country and if they can manage to rule well why
not educated Indians who know the country so well ? ... Indians
to-day arc much better fitted for self-government than the Canadians
when self-government was given to Canada. 53

The Montford Reforms left it ambiguous whether or not
Assam would be included in the reform scheme. It was sug-
gested in para 199 of the Report that "schedules” of the
Scheduled District of the Act might form the criterion for
exclusion of Assam from the scheme. The Assam Association
had to * send a strong delegation* to Calcutta to present before

52 Abstract of Intelligence , Assam Police, viii, 1918.

53 Ibid .

* The delegation consisted of the following members — Ghanashy&in
Baruah, Prasanna Kumar Baruah, Chandradhar Baruah, Ganga Gobinda
Phukan, Tarun Ram Phookun, Padmanath Gohain Baruah and Nabin
Chandra Bardoloi.

Proposals for Exclusion of Assam from Reform Scheme 217

Montagu, Assam's case when it found that the Chief Commis-
sioner and the European community in a body stood opposed
to Assam s inclusion in the proposed reforms as a province
at par with the other advanced provinces of India. Sir
Beatson Bell, the Chief Commissioner, suggested that Assam
should be treated separately on account of her peculiar geo-
graphical position and the heterogenous character of the
population including a fairly large number of Europeans in
plantation and mining areas. He was in favour of treating her
like Burma or North-West Frontier Province or for postpon-
ing the operation of the new scheme until the experiment had
been tested elsewhere. He, of course, desired the continu-
ance of the existing Legislative Council with the addition of
an Advisory Council with the Chief Commissioner “constituted
on a liberal basis”. 54 The Surma Valley branch of the Indian Tea
Association had gone to the extent of demanding exclusion of
Assam from the reform scheme saying that there was no “intelli-
gentsia” in Assam. It alleged that the number of people who
could read a voting paper was so small that direct represen-
tation given to them would be a farce. 55 The representatives
of the European community also shared the same view and
they demanded that in the event of Assam's inclusion in the
scheme there should be adequate representation for their
community and also for the planters in the Councils both at
the centre and the province. 56 Several organisations and
groups submitted their views from their sectional or communal
interests. Surma Valley Muhammedan Association , Mahishya
Samiti of Sunamganj, Ahom Association and Assam Muham-
medan Association pressed their respective claims for com-
munal representation in case Assam was included in the new

34 Report on the Franchies Committee (1918-9), on Indian Consti-
tutional Reforms by the Chief Commissioner of Assam.

55 HFM., Assam unit ; National Archives of India, see Memorandum
by W.E.D. Copper, Secretary Surma Valley Tea-Association before the
Committee on Franchise and Constituencies.

218

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AMD ASSAM

scheme. Surma Valley Peoples Association demanded incor-
poration of Sylhet district into Bengal . 57

The position of Assam Association , which alone stood for
the province as a whole, became all the more embarrassing
when Prabhat Chandra Baruah, the first President of the Asso-
ciation, espoused the cause of Z amindari Association , Goalpara,
who demanded amalgamation of his district with Bengal . 58 In
view of these fissiparous tendencies and the united front
offered by the European group, the prospect of Assam being
brought within the purview of the reform scheme became
extremely bleak. It was indeed a big challenge to the Assam
Association . In its meeting at Goalpara, in the teeth of opposi-
tion of a section of its members, the Association stoutly and
successfully opposed the secessionists and deprecated the
move of the Chief Commissioner and European tea-planters
to keep Assam beyond the pale of forthcoming reforms . 59 In
a lengthy memorial to the Secretary of State, Ghanashyam
Baruah, the General Secretary, refuting all the points raised
by Beatson Bell stated lucidly the rights and claims of Assam
to be included in the proposed reforms. Earlier in a meeting
at Jorhat, the Association decided to send a one-man delega-
tion in the person of Nabin Chandra Bardoloi, an active
member of the Association, to represent Assam's case before
the Parliamentary Committee in Calcutta . 00 In his evidence,
both oral and written, Bardoloi refuted the arguments of the
Chief Commissioner, the Europeans and other communal
groups and associations. He asserted that Assam was much
more favourably situated for representative government than
any other province of India. Every student of Assam History
was well aware, he pointed out, that the nobles and the nine
Councillors under the former government elected kings and

57 Ibid., J. E. Webster, Chief Secretary, Assam, to the Secretary
Reforms Committee, 0 December 1918.

68 Abstract of Intelligence , Assam Police, 18 January 1919.

59 Ibid., viii, 1918.

60 Proceedings of extra-ordinary General Meeting of Assam Associa-
tion, Jorhat, 11 November 1918.

Assam Association Delegation in London

219

that the Council of nobles backed by the people could and
did depose tyrannous rulers.

Even now every village containing several castes ... is nothing
but a representative unit, the village ncimghar being the common
meeting place ... The great satras of Assam are purely represen-
tative institutions. The election of the Barpeta satra shows how
keenly alive are even the commonest and the poorest man there,
of their right to have a voice in the government of their satra. 01

On 29 May 1919, the proposed Bill was introduced in the
British Parliament and a Select Committee of both the Houses
under the Chairmanship of Lord Selborne was appointed to
scrutinise the bill and to make suggestions wherever neces-
sary. This had enabled the Indian leaders to present their
respective points of view in London for consideration by the
Parliamentary Committee. The Assam Association also
decided to send a two-men delegation consisting of Nabin
Chandra Bardoloi and Prasanna Kumar Baruah. 02

Difficulties had to be faced by the delegation one after
another from the very beginning. “Assam then was a poor
country”, deplores a member of the delegation, “and the poli-
tical consciousness of the people was still in the oblivion and
the awakening of the danger (which) then loomed over the
firmament of Assam (was) confined to a few top-ranking intelli-
gentsia whose number could be counted on fingers*. 02 The
untiring efforts of Chandra Nath Sarmah, the Assistant
Secretary of the Association, succeeded in collecting an amount
of rupees four thousand — sufficient only for one member of
the delegation. Luckily, Prasanna Kumar Baruah, an
Assamese planter and a member of the Association, voluntered
to go of his own.* When the delegation reported its arrival
in London on 24 August 1919, to, the Secretary of the Com-

61 Op.cit ., see Memorandum by Nabin Chandra Bordoloi, 1 December
1918.

62 Baruah, P. K., The Assam Delegation, see Foreword .

™Ibid., p. 3.

* What was worse, Baruah writes in his The Assam Delegation that
William Reid, the Commissioner Assam Valley Districts, endeavoured to
dissuade him from joining the delegation by offer of the membership

220

MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS AND ASSAM

mission, they were taken aback to learn that their evidence
would be taken on the same afternoon. Yet the delegation
mustered courage and prepared for the "ordeal”. At the
appointed hour like "a pair of goats for sacrifice” when the
members appeared before the Commission, they were told by
E. S. Montagu, the Secretary of State, that the representation
sent in advance by the Association being "wrongly addressed”
was misplaced. The delegation was given the option of oral
evidence forthwith or to postpone it till October next when
the session would reopen after the recess . 61 "This was a bolt
from the blue”, writes Prasanna Baruah, "and our faces at
once elongated, with heart throbs not knowing what to do as
the memorial submitted by Assam Association was our sheet
anchor . . The delegation rose up to the occasion and
with "courage and confidence” accepted the first alternative.
In his evidence lasting for quarter of an hour with irrefutable
arguments Bardoloi pleaded for the inclusion of Assam in the
reform scheme. After making a survey of the social, political
and economic condition of Assam, he remarked that a "planters
Raj” actually dominating in every field of administration and
at their hands even respected Assamese were subjected to
utmost humiliation. Bardoloi never failed to refer to the
shabby treatment that had been meted out to Phanidhar
Chaliha by the Chief Commissioner in the floor of the Council
which made the members "look at each other with awry
faces ”. 03

of the Council then left vacant by the resignation of Tarun Ram Phookun
and saying that the delegation would be fruitless since the reforms
were meant only for the advanced States of India. Baruah however
wavered not from the decision he had already taken. Baruah, P. K. #
Op.oit., p. 7.

64 Ibid., Pp. 41-2.

65 Ibid .

* At a subsequent meeting when Montagu made further queries
about the Chaliha affair, Bardoloi related everything “without muncing
matters” which kept the Secretary of State “Mum” and “perhaps the
sullen silance at the time forecasted the downfall of Sir Beatson Bell”.
Baruah P. K., Op.cit.j Pp. 44-5.

Assam Association Delegation in London 221

In London, the members of the delegation contacted
Indian Political leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin
Chandra Pal, Tej Bahadur Sapru, Sankaran Nayar and Sarojini
Naidu and attended meetings and receptions organised by the
British Congress Party and Labour Party which had enabled
them to win their sympathy and support to the legitimate
demands of Assam. When the delegation met Montagu at
his office after its evidence, the members were indirectly
told that they had won the case, but it must be supported by
a representation with strong and valid grounds ; and this the
delegation did successfully on the reopening of the session . 0 * 1
Admittedly, the personal endeavours made by the members of
the delegation and the persistent attempts of the Assam Asso-
ciation had enabled Assam to occupy her rightful place as a
major province in the new political set-up.

66 Ibid Pp. 74-5.

CHAPTER TWELVE

Gathering of the Storm

On the outbreak of the World War I when the Indian
National Congress at Madras (1914) resolved “to stand by
the Empire at all hazards and at all costs”, the people of Assam
expressed their unstinted loyalty to the government at this
critical moment. The members of the Assam Legislative
Council, both European and the Indian, pledged whole-
hearted support to the British Government in the prosecution
of the war. 1 In his last speech in the Council appealing to
his countrymen to join the war efforts of Britain Manik Chandra
Baruah said : “Great Britain and India have a common
cause”. 2 3 Tarun Ram Phookun expressed his profound satis-
faction that the people of Assam had been able to make much
contribution to the war and that many Assamese youngmen
had been fighting shoulder to shoulder with their counterparts
of other states in the war front. To secure best possible
results in recruitment he suggested to the government to
entrust the task to officers of responsibility and to open up a
training centre in Assam for the Indian Defence Forces.' 1

From its cadre the Assam administration spared 174
officers for military duty. Invaluable services had been
rendered by non-official members of the Assam Valley Light
Horse and the Surma Valley Light Horse ; 168 of them joined
the Indian Army Reserved Officers and seventy nine in regular
force? while thirty one served with Labour Corps. 4 In all
3232 officers and men were contributed. A double Company

1 ALCP., 10 November 1914.

2 Ibid,, 9 April 1915, M. C. Baruah’s speech.

3 Ibid., 6 April 1916, T. R. Phookuns speech.

4 Assam Administration Report, 1918-9.

Economy Budgets

m

of Assamese men was formed and a few youngmen joined
the Bengal Regiment and 239 recruits joined the Royal
Artillery. From Sylhet, in addition to a number of men as
Marine ratings, a Labour Corps of about one thousand was
sent to Mesopotamia and in all Sylhet supplied about 2,600
combatants and non-combatants. In terms of money it was
ascertained that rupees twenty five thousand was subscribed
by this province as war loan and an amount estimated at nine
lakhs contributed as war charities. In addition, donations for
war purposes amounting to rupees fiftyfive thousand and goods
and materials worth rupees twenty thousand were collected
from the province. 5

India rendered all through the war utmost help to war
efforts of Great Britain in terms of men, money and materials.
Consequently her military expenditure swelled up several
times at the cost of the productive and nation building pro-
jects. Besides severe cuts under the head Education and
Public Works, capital expenditure on Railways and Irrigation
dwindled from fourteen to three millions. Above all when
the chances of receiving Imperial grants both recurring and
non-recurring became remote, the provincial budgets showed
heavy deficits. 6 In Assam economic consequences had been
felt gradually after 1915-16 when stringency in the public
expenditure was resorted to in response to the Imperial
orders. 7 Since then although large amounts were spent in
" urgent and imperative” needs and in items like relief
measures, no money could be spared for development works
to improve material condition of the ryots or to create employ-
ment opportunities to ever increasing educated youths of the

province. 8 Tarun Ram Phookun in his budget speech in 1916

»

5 Ibid .

6 Editorial , East and West , xviii, April 1918.

7 ALCP., April 1916 ; 13 March 1918.

* Ibid., 13 March 1918 ; 17 and 27 October 1917.

Speaking of the problem of growing unemployment Muhammad
Saadullah said in the Council that it was not possible on the part of
the government to provide employment to the matriculates, under-

224

GATHERING OF THE STORM

remarked : “To have a budget discussion when there is very
little or no money is, to my mind, like acting Hamlet without
Hamlet himself'. 0

The war had “disturbed the equilibrium of the commer-
cial world". 10 Imported commodities like salt, cloths and
kerosene oil became scarce and their prices rose several times.
This was aggravated by the speculating activities of the
unscrupulous merchants who raised the prices not only of
articles of rare use or those used by the rich but even of the
vital necessities of the rich as well as of the poor. 11 After
Armistice prices fell appreciably when the merchants released
their hoarded stock fearing heavy losses with the return oi
nomaley and the importation of foreign goods ; but when the
situation remained unaltered prices were raised to the highest
limit. 12 The cost of salt went up more than double while
that of cloth four times ; even the coarsest possible cloth was
sold in the market at double the rate of the finest stuff in
pre-war times. 13 Inevitably towards the end of 1919 price of
rice, the staple food, rose alarmingly ; it was sold in the plains
districts at four to five seers a rupee although double the quan-
tity could be had with the same amount only a year before.

graduates and graduates whose numbers were on the increase even-
year. R. M. Das warned that unemployment was Fast becoming a seri-
ous menace and “is sure in time to give rise to serious discontent, and
discontent again is an internal storm. You cannot quell a storm by
physical force”.

0 Ibid., 6 April 1916

10 Ibid., G April 1918, remarks in the Council by R. B. Das.

11 Ibid.

Explaining the causes of price rise Syed Abdul Majid said in the
Council ; “Price increase due to profiteering of the traders within and
outside ... Local traders announce that ‘wire has been received from
Calcutta ... price of cloth has gone up’ ... it is echoed and re-echoed
throughout the bazar ... at once a further rise” see his speech in the
Council on 13 March 1919.

13 Ibid., 13 March 1919, speech by R. M. Das.

13 Ibid., also 13 March 1918, speeches by P. D. Chaliha and N. K.
Dastidar.

Scarcity and Soaring prices : Their effects

225

The highest price to the extent of twelve rupees a maund
was recorded in certain areas of the Surma Valley. 14

The rise in prices of essential commodities affected the rich
as well the poor. The miseries of the agricultural ryots were
aggravated by natural calamities — floods, kala-azar and cattle
mortality. The devastating floods in both the Brahmaputra and
the Surma Valley during 1915-16 compelled three-fourths of
the ryots to depend entirely on government s gratuitous relief
and loans ; and to repay these not invariably the poverty
striken ryots had to borrow money from village mahajans at
ruinous interests. 15 The condition of the ill-paid clerical staff
and school teachers was no less deplorable. 16 The ministerial
officers of the Shillong Secretariat appealed for relief to the
Chief Comissionerj but the latter while expressing all sympathy
for their hardship, regretted his inability to concede to their
demands since not the government employees of Shillong alone,
but also of the entire province suffered from price rise and
for whom it was not possible on the part of the government
to provide necessary compensation. 17 In protest the em-
ployees of the Government Press resorted to a strike which
suspended the publication of the Assam Gazette for about a
month. 18 A similar strike, on the otherhand, of the employees
of the Dibru-Sadiya Railways secured for them an increase in
wages to a certain limit. 19

14 Ibid .

The scarcity was also caused by the export of rice to the needy
provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa under orders of the Chief Com-
missioner. Despite public protests and resolutions against it in the
Council export of rice never ceased, aggravating thereby, miseries of
the local people. 24 September 1919, answer by D. E. Webster in
reply to G. Baruah’s question.

15 Ibid., remarks by R. M. Das, 6 April 1916 and R. B. Das on 17
October 1917.

19 Ibid., 25 April 1917, speech by R. M. Das.

17 Ibid.,* 12 January 1918, order of the Chief Commissioner, Finance
Department, 3 November 1917.

18 ALCP., 23 October 1918, see Governor s Address also Times of
Assam 18 and 31 August 1918.

19 Assam Labour Enquiry Report , Pp. 6-7.

15

226

GATHERING OF THE STORM

Scarcity of food stuff and other necessaries gave rise to
economic crimes like theft and burglary in many places of
both the valleys. 20 In 1919 salt and cloths were looted from
Goalpara and similar reports of bazar looting came from
Upper Assam and several areas of the district of Cachar. 5 1 On
27 September 1920, labourers of the Hukanjuri tea garden
of the Assam Frontier Tea Company raided a weekly hat at
Borhapjan and in an affray several traders and labourers were
injured. Such “economic crimes” in the words of a member
of the Assam Legislative Council, would not have been com-
mitted by “an essentially peace-loving people like ours unless
driven to the course from sheer necessity”. 22 Phanidhar
Chaliha in his speech in the Council on 13 March 1918, urged
upon the government either to open State or Municipal depots
or take steps in the line of Bombay and the Punjab govern-
ments for the distribution of salt, cloth and other essential
commodities at reasonable prices. 23 Suggestions of similar
nature were made by several members of the Council to bring
down the price for alleviating the distress of the people. In
response to the demand, both within the Council and without,
the Government of Assam not only granted loans and gratui-
tous reliefs but also suspended collection of land revenue in
flood-affected areas during the period 1915-17. 24 In March
1918, the retail price of salt in the Assam Valley was fixed
by a notification and similar measures followed soon in the

20 ALCP., 13 March 1919, 25 April 1917, see Webster's reply to
R. M. Das's questions.

21 Ibid., speeches of P. D. Chaliha on 13 March 1919 and R. B. Das,
6 April 1918.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid., 13 March 1918, see P. D. Chaliha’s speech.

2 i “In Sylhet alone” Webster informed the members of the Council,
“upwards of thirty lakhs or more than three times the annual land
revenue have been advanced in two years. The payment of land revenue
and local rates has been suspended where necessary (and) time has been
given for the repayment of old advances, and large sums have been
spent on providing rice to the destitute”. Ibid., 25 April 1917, also
13 March 1918.

Relief Measures

227

other valley and the Hill districts. 2 * Endeavours were made
to supply standard cloth at reasonable price in cooperation
with the Government of Bengal when it was found tjiat no
local firm volunteered to sell cloths yielding a poor margin. 3 *
For distribution of yams to villagers, a Central Weaving Aid
Society was set up in Kamrup and it was hoped similar
societies would come up in other districts and for this an
amount of rupees five thousand was sanctioned as a Central
fund. 27 * * * At the District level the Deputy Commissioners set
up “Price-Committees” to keep the prices of essential com-
modities under control. 28

As stated above endeavours had been made by tho
government to relieve the distress of the ryots , but the autho-
rities were rather indifferent so far as the immigrant labourers
were concerned. With the pressing demand for labour in the
ever expanding tea-plantations there was a steady increase in
immigrant population which was estimated at over a million
by 1911, forming about eighty per cent of the total wage
earners of the province. 29 The Arkatis or recruiters generally
visited poverty-striken and famine-affected labour districts all
over India and held out a rosy picture before the unwilling
labourers and assuring them handsome wages in the tea dis-
tricts of Assam. 20 Their problem started soon after their
arrival in Assam when they were placed under Managers
invariably fresh from England who were totally ignorant of

3 * Ibid., 0 April 1918, remarks by A. R. Edwards.

20 Ibid., P.R.T. Gurdon’s reply.

27 Ibid.

- 8 Ibid., 13 March 1918, A. R. Edwards reply to N. K. Dastidar's
resolution.

29 In 1901 the number of immigrants* were estimated at 13% of the
total population and of these 83% were employees of the tea-gardens.
In 1919 the total number of immigrant labourers were well over a
million. Census of India 1901 iv, Part I, p. 24 ; 1921,iii, Part I Pp. 5
and 170.

30 Editorial, The Hindu Patriot, 12 December 1881, p. 579;
Proceedings of Assam Labour Enquiry Committee (1906), p. 8; see
statement of Babu B. K. Banerjee and C. P. Cooke.

228

GATHERING OF THE STORM

their nature, language, customs and usages. Misunderstanding
between the two was inevitable ; but this could have been
minimised to some extent had there been effective supervision
on the part of the government. Over burdened as they were
with multifarious duties, neither the district officers nor even
their subordinates could have a close watch over the affairs
of so many gardens and consequently the immigrants were
left entirely at the tender mercies of the Managers. Armed
with statutory powers the latter not only apprehended the
labourers without warrant but kept them confined for days
together subjecting them even to corporal punishments of
various kinds. Even on flimsy grounds they were brought
blind-fold to the Manager’s bungalow and flogged mercilessly
after tying to a post. Instances were not rare when salt was
rubbed over the fresh cane-cuts. 31 To lodge a complaint
against a tyrannous Manager was out of the question, and even
if one succeeded, the close intimacy between the garden and
district authorities made it difficult for the aggrieved to have
an impartial decision on his case. 32 Small wonder that the
labourers occasionally took law into their own hands. From
1882 to 1893, the labourers unlawfully assembled 580 times*
murdered 31 individuals, assaulted in no less than 505 cases
causing even grievous injuries in large numbers. 33

Since the sixties of the last century commissions had been
set up by the government, one after another, to enquire into
the problem of the labourers and to some extent their
grievances had also been remedied, but the question of a

31 AS., Vol. No. 32 of 1865-6 ; Hopkinson 9 April 1866 ; Bengal
General Proceedings ( Emmigration\ February 1867, No. 21 ; Editorial
The Hindu Patriot , 11 May 1868, p. 169. The unfortunate victims
being desperate not unoften deserted the gardens hoodwinking the
choukidar in charge. During 1873-81, majority of the tea-garden con-
victs in Assam was reported to be due to desertion. Editorial, The
Hindu Patriot , 5 December 1881, p. 514 ; Assam Immigration Report
1881, para 76.

32 Editorial The Bengalee , November 1886, p. 52; 10 December
1887, p. 569 ; Assam Immigration Report 1886, para 6.

33 Ibid., 1862-93, vide criminality tables.

Labour unrest

m

living wage remained unsettled. The lack of bargaining power
on the part of the labourers in the absence of Trade Unions
enabled the employers to dictate any terms ; and the general
tendency was to exact the maximum of works by payment
of minimum wages. In spite of subsidiary sources of income,*
it was extremely difficult for the labourers to make both ends
meet and their condition became all the more deplorable with
rise in prices of rice and other necessaries. Even in the
eighties a husband and wife labouring together all the year
round scarcely succeeded in saving some amount that would
enable the women to stay for some months at home after
her confinement to look after her infant child. 34 To their
cause, apparently, the government was sympathetic, but
pressurised by influential vested interests it had to enact plan-
tation laws exclusively in the interest of the employers. No
wonder therefore there was no alteration in the minimum wage
in 1901 from that which was fixed up thirtyfive years earlier
in 1865. 35

During 1913-19, in spite of abnormal rise in the cost of
living in the tea-gardens, the wages paid to the labourers in
pre-war times remained unaltered.™ In the Dibrugarh Sub-
division, for instance, the average wage earned by a labourer
in 1911-2 was Rs. 10-10-9 P., and in 1918-9 it stood at
Rs. 10-8-1 P. 37 The financial condition of the gardens, European
ones in particular, continued to be sound which is borne out
by their larger recruitment of labourers in the post-war period
and payment of pre-war, if not higher, dividends to their

* Mainly from the cultivation of ricelancls, profits from live-stock, sale
of vegetables, milk, eggs etc.

34 Ibid., 1884, para 36; The Bengalee 28 November 1885, p. 586.

35 Report of Seventeenth Indian National Congress (1901), see
Resolution No. 13, p. 165.

36 Between 1914 and 1922 increase in price index of food stuff and
essential commodities were as follows : rice 108%, salt 183%, dal 200%,
kerosene oil 203%, and clothes 241%. Assam Labour Enquiry Report ,
Chapter IV, para 125, p. 69.

37 Ibid., Chapter II, para 12, p. 6.

230

GATHERING OF THE STORM

share holders. 38 The planters, the majority of them, made no
attempt to consider the problem of the labourers sympathe-
tically or to remedy their legitimate grievances. Matters,
inevitably, took their own course and the aggrieved labouring
population in the tea areas gave vent to their anti-British
feelings at some places by strikes and demonstrations. 39 The
scattered unrest amongst immigrant labourers was the indi-
cation of the great storm that was ahead which neither the
planters nor those at the helm of affairs of the state could
ever foresee and which the nationalists never failed to take
full advantage of in their war against the alien government. 40

The talk of constitutional reform intensified the demand
for separation of Sylhet and even of Goalpara which had
embittered the feelings between the peoples of the two
valleys, nay within the valley of the Brahmaputra itself. The
leaders of the Surma Valley were apprehensive of the fact that
in case of the implementation of Reform scheme Assam had
no chance like Bengal of becoming a major province with a
Governor-in Council. 41 The establishment of a University in
Assam, it was feared, would seriously affect the academic life
of the Bengalis of the Surma Valley. The spirit of provin-
cialism, in fact, ran high in both the valleys. In the Indian
Legislative Council on 6 February 1918, Kamini Kumar Chanda
Raised the question of amalgamation of Sylhet with Bengal

38 Ibid., para 89, p. 36.

39 Ibid., para 12, p. 6.

Thus on 6 September 1920, at Hansara, a garden of the Doomdooma
Tea Company labourerers went to strike. On the 15th, at Raidang they
refused to work and the Jamadar and two European Assistants were
assaulted. Similar outbreak occurred at Pabhojan and Dhocdaam.

4 0 Tracing the causes of the labour unrest in the twenties to “eco-
nomic and political conditions", Assam Labour Enquiry Committee
(1921-2) remarks that “undoubtedly the existence of economic grievances
render coolies more ready to listen to the exhortation and incitements
of non-cooperators and other agitators."

Ibid., para 54, p. 20.

41 Abstract of Intelligence , Assam Police, viii, 9 November 1919;
Report on the meeting in the Sylhet Town Hall for Reunion of Sylhet
With Bengal.

Separation of Sylhet and Goalpara : Renewed Agitation 231

in the form of a resolution with the remark that "the provin-
cial boundaries were not made on broad and comprehensive
lines and with a view to giving satisfaction to all”. 42 The
resolution was lost but the movement for separation gathered
strength with the formation of Sylhet-Bengal Re-union League
which decided to wait upon the Viceroy who was then
expected to visit Assam. At a public meeting on 29 October 1919
at Sylhet, Chanda appealed to the people of Sylhet to continue
their agitation till the object was attained. Supporting the
cause, Abdul Karim, a member of the Bengal Legislative
Council said that the artificial relation between Assam and
Sylhet for long fortyfive years failed to produce unity between
the two peoples. At the end, the meeting unanimously passed
a resolution to the effect that "to give the people of Sylhet
a fair chance of working under any liberal scheme of reforms,
it is absolutely necessary to transfer the district to Bengal ...
with which Sylhet is indissolubly bound up by ties of race,
language, manners, customs, history and culture”. 43

As a corollary to it, the Bengali-speaking population of
Goalpara, mostly the intelligentsia, expressed their desire for
union with Bengal. The movement had started, in fact, in
1912, when number of zamindars of Goalpara urged on
Archdale Earle, the separation of the district in case Sylhet
was to be transferred to Bengal. 11 To the Chief Commissioner
the demand was quite natural, but "very undesirable” from
the point of view of the zamindars and the administration of
Assam”. "A majority of the people of Goalpara sub-division”,
he explained, "are Assamese or speak Assamese, while in the
Dhubri sub-division there is a minority who are in similar
case. On this ground alone, it is impossible to contemplate
separating this district from Assam”. The agitation took a

42 Nehru Museum and Library, File No. 3/1945, History of Agita-
tion for Reunion of Sylhet with Bengal, see K. K. Chanda’s resolution on
0 February 1918 at the Imperial Council.

43 Abstract of Intelligence , Op.cit.

44 HPA. .Calcutta Records, 1912, No. 1, Earle to Hardinge, 3 July
1912.

232

GATHERING OF THE STORM

definite shape when a meeting of the secessionists was held
on 15 December 1918, under the auspices of the Goalpara
Association. 45 Apprehending that Assam would not be brought
under the reform scheme the meeting resolved that “the dis-
trict of Goalpara mainly identical in race, language, social
customs and the system of lands with Rangpur, Jalpaiguri and
Cooch Behar ... be placed under the same laws and adminis-
tration with the district of Rangpur and Jalpaiguri”. It was
also decided that the resolution be placed in the ensuing
meeting of the Assam Association scheduled to be held at
Goalpara towards the end of the same month. Finally, it
made a further demand by a separate resolution that “at the
time of application of the expected Montagu-Chelmsford
reforms to the plains districts of Assam Valley all the districts
of the Assam Valley be placed under the Governor of
Bengal”. 46

The Assamese public, by and large, were sympathetic to
the aspirations of the people of Sylhet. To many, separation
of Sylhet would be a blessing in disguise ; for whenever the
Assamese made a demand for a University or a High Court,
there invariably followed a counter claim for a similar institu-
tion for the other valley. 47 The Assamese intelligentsia, on
the otherhand, had a different view on the Goalpara issue ; the
district was considered by them as an integral part of Assam.

43 Abstract of Intelligence , 21 December 1918, see Proceedings of
the meeting of Goalpara Association.

46 Ibid .

4 7 Moving the resolution on the transfer of Sylhet at the session of
the Assam Legislative Council, in July 1926, Sadananda Dowerah said
that a reading of the proceedings of the earlier Council would reveal
that the whole affair had been a “sickening record of rivalry*' of the
claims of the two valleys. “If there is question whether a certain insti-
tution be established in the province” Dowerah continued, “the question
becomes where it is to be located Sylhet or Gauhati and so on, and
so we have had to drop thus all questions of this nature. If Sylhet
continues with us what is the result ? We shall have to carry on the
same policy of drift ... With Sylhet in Assam there will be no policy
and unless there is a fixed policy there cannot be any progress’*. Nehru
Museum and Library, Op.cit.

Successful -Opposition of Assam Association

23$

The situation however took a new turn in 1919, when discus-
sions were in progress on the proposed Montagu-Chelmsford
Reforms. Thereafter, Assamese leaders strongly opposed any

disintegration whether of Goalpara or Sylhet ; they feared that
it would adversely affect Assam’s status in the new adminis-
trative set-up. 48

The separatist movement became a life and death question
which the Assam Association was called upon to tackle when
it met under the presidentship of Tarun Ram Pliookun at
Goalpara on 27-29 December 1918. The feeling was then run-
ning so high between the Assamese and local Bengalis that the
latter not only boycotted the reception of the President-elect
on his arrival, but withheld cooperation to the organisers of
the conference. In fact almost all Bengali-speaking members
had already severed their connection with the Assam Associa-
tion . 40 In his opening address Phookun emphatically declared
that "this (Goalpara) district should never be taken away from
Assam, if necessary the whole of Assam might be united with
Bengal”. He enquired of the public "if we are footballs that
we should be kicked from one place to another (i.e. from
Assam to Bengal, and then from Bengal to Assam and so on). 50
Chandradhar Baruah, a member of the Assam Delegation to
Calcutta, deprecated the rumours spread by interested parties
that Assam’s geographical boundaries would be reduced and
in support of this he quoted the statement made by the
Secretary of State that "any redistribution of territory was not
under contemplation”. 51 Despite opposition of a minority, a
resolution was moved from the chair and carried protesting
vehemently against the movement for the transfer of Goalpara
and Sylhet to Bengal on the ground that this was not the wish
of the bulk of the people. The secessionist movements petered
away on the indifference of the Government of India to any

48 Abstract of Intelligence , Opxit 18 January 1919, see proceedings
of the Assam Association, 28-29 December 1918.

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid.

81 Ibid.

284:

GATHERING OF i TBS STORM

redistribution of territory or modification of the boundary of
Assam on the eve of the reforms.

On the basis of the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, the
Government of India Act, 1919, was passed in December the
same year. It envisaged a two fold division or dyarchy of
provincial administration under which partial responsibility
was granted in “transferred” subjects, but ultimate responsi-
bility rested with the executive on the “reserved” subjects.
No fundamental change was introduced in the central govern-
ment and the Government of India continued to be responsible
to the British Parliament through the Secretary of State.
Moderates hailed the reforms as “a definite and substantial
step” towards Responsible Government and even Nationalist
Tilak wanted to work it in a spirit of “Responsive Co-opera-
tion”. Pleading its acceptance M. K. Gandhi wrote in the
Young India :

The Reform Act coupled with the (Royal) proclamation is an
earnest intention of the British people to do justice to India and it
ought to remove suspicion on that score ... our duty therefore is
not to subject the Reforms to carping criticisms but to settle down
quietly to work so as to make them a success. 52

Till then Gandhi had, like the Moderates, implicit faith on
the justice and liberalism of the British government. Majo-
rity of the Congressmen, on the otherhand, were dissatisfied
at the “inadequacy of the reforms” and the “grudging manner
in which responsibility and transfer of power was granted in
the Act of 1919”. 53 Yet under Gandhi's insistence the congress
at Amritsar in December 1919, passed the following resolution :

This congress trusts that, so far as may be possible the people
will so work the Reforms as to secure an early establishment of full
responsible government, and this Congress offers its thanks to the
Rt. TIon. E. S. Montagu for his labours in connection with the
Reforms. 54

. 62 Cited in Majumdar, R. C., History of the Freedom Movement in
India, iii, p. 51.

53 Bisheswar Prasad, Changing modes of Indian National Movement,

P. 86. .

54 Sitaramayya, P., The History of Congress, i. Pp. 304-5. J

The Khilafat Movement

235

The attitude of the Indian Muslims, too, underwent a
radical change towards the British government. The revoca-
tion of Partition of Bengal had already alienated the Indian
Muslims from the British. Turkey’s aid to Germany in the
World War placed the Indian Muslims in an embarrassing
situation ; for the latter regarded the Ottoman Sultan as the
Khalifa or religious head of the Islamic world. British govern-
ment however secured the adhesion of the Indian Muslims in
its own efforts on the assurance that due consideration would
be given to Turkey at the end of the war. Even Woodrow Wilson,
'President of the U.S.A., endorsed the declaration made by
British Premier Lloyd George in January 1918, that the Allies
were "not fighting to deprive Turkey of the rich and renowned
countries of Asia Minor and Thrace which were predominantly
Turkish in race”. To their utter disappointment, after the
Armistice the Muslims found that Thrace was transferred to
Greece and the Asiatic possession of Turkey passed under the
control of Great Britain and France as Mandated territories.
The dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire was considered
to be a great betrayal and the cry of a jihad against British
perfidy was on the air. The vigorous agitation commonly
lenown as Khilafat movement, started by the Ali Brothers —
Muhammad and Shoukat — to undo the wrongs done to Turkey
received support of M. K. Gandhi who found in it the golden
opportunity to unite the two warring communities — the Hindus
and the Muslims. A satyagrahi to his core, Gandhi advised
the Khilafatists to eschew violence in any form and shape, but
to resort to non-violent non-cooperation until the problem of
Turkey received a satisfactory solution.

The Khilafat movement found a ready response in the
heart of the Assamese — both the Hindus and the Muslims.
Meetings and demonstrations were held at different parts of
the province. On 25 October Khilafat day was observed at
some places in Cachar where some Hindus along with their
Muslim brethren fasted and offered prayers for the Khilafat
and Islam. At Dhubri on 17 October after a hartal and fast by

236

GATHERING OF THE STORM

the Muslims for the whole day, at a public meeting attended
by both the communities, resolutions were passed protesting
against the interference of powers over the Caliphate and
appealing to the British government to save the Turkish
Empire from disintegration and making the authority of the
Ottoman Sultan absolute over the holy places of Mecca and
Medina . 56 In a meeting held at Goalpara attended by the
Muslims and the Hindus the British Prime Minister was urged
not to sign any treaty stipulation dismembering the Turkish
Empire . 56 Likewise in a meeting at Munshibazar, Karimganj
Sub-division, resolutions were passed demanding that the
integrity of Turkey should not be disturbed . 57

Concession cum repression invariably followed by the
government marred the prospects of smooth implementation of
the reforms. The Bills which were prepared on the recom-
mendations of the Rowlatt Commission provided inter alia
arrest without warrant and summary trial and punishment even
on suspicion of offences of a revolutionary character or against
the State. Condemning the Bills as "unjust, subversive of all
principles of liberty and justice and destructive of elementary
rights of an individual”, Gandhi told the Viceroy that he would
resort to S atyagraha unless the Bills were withdrawn . 56 In
the Indian Legislative Council, Jinnah warned the govern-
ment : "it is my duty to tell you that, if these measures are
passed, you will create in the country from one end to other
a discontent and agitation, the like of which you have not
witnessed ../’ 59 Kamini Kumar Chanda while opposing the
Bills remarked that, “to give us reforms and side by side with
them and in fact before them ... these repressive laws ... was

55 Abstract of Intelligence , Op.cit., 8 November 1919, Cachar 25
October ; Goalpara, 25 October.

™lbid.

57 Ibid., Sylhet, 25 October.

58 Tendulkar D. G., Mahatma i. p. 293.

59 M. A. Jinn ah's Legislative Assembly Debate on the Rowlatt Bills,
7 February 1912, cited in Tarachand, History of the Freedom Move-
ment in India , iii, p. 474.

Rowlatt Bills : Repercussions in Assam

237

not the way to introduce reforms”. He also warned that the
passing of these Bills was bound to create considerable agita-
tion all over the country. 00

Not only did the members of the Indian legislature irres-
pective of their party affiliations and ideological differences,,
oppose the Bills, but protests and demonstrations became a
matter of common occurrence all over India. In a meeting
held at the (Assam Club) Public Hall, on 16 February 1919,
presided over by Tarun Ram Phookun the people of Gauhati
by a resolution expressed their deep sense of regret and dis-
appointment at the action of the government in proceeding
with the Rowlatt Bills in spite of opposition of the non-official
members of the Indian Legislative Council and urged the
government to drop the Bills. 01 The meeting apprehended
that the “expected good effect of the proposed reforms based
on the Montagu-Chelmsford report will be nullified by the
passing of these repressive measures”. The people of Sylhet
in their meeting on 19 February presided over by Khan
Bahadur Syed Abdul Majid protested against the Bills since
it was not the time for the introduction of such measures which
will curtail the liberty of the people. 62 The citizens of
Dibrugarh emphatically protested against the Bills in a meeting
at the Amateur Theatre Hall on 23 February 1919 under the
presidentship of Faiznur Ali. The meeting was of the opinion
that the Bills would “involve a perpetual suspension of the
ordinary principles of evidence and procedure of British courts
of justice and one calculated to interfere with the personal
rights and liberties of the subjects”. 63

00 Proceedings of the Indian Legislative Council, April 1918 to
March 1919. Vide Assam Gazettee VJ, 15 October 1919.

01 Abstract of Intelligence , Op.cit., 12 April 1919, see proceedings
of the protest meeting at Gauhati. The resolution was moved by
Muhammad Saadullah and seconded by Bipin Bihari Borah, supported
by Kaliram Das and Chandranath Sarmah.

62 Ibid., 22 March 1919. The resolution was moved by Satis.
Chandra Dutta and seconded by Premnarayan Kar, Abdul Iiamid and
Girindra Kumar Deb.

63 Ibid., 15 March 1919. The resolution was proposed by B. Mitra,

238

GATHERING OF THE STORM

Despite country-wide opposition the Bills were passed as
Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act, 1919 and became
effective from 21 March. This “Black Act” and the events
which followed brought into prominence M. K. Gandhi who
was destined to play the most significant role in India’s struggle
for freedom with a new weapon Satyagraha. The aim of satya-
graha or non-cooperation is the “conversion of the opponent
to one’s own views by suffering and not by violence”.
Explaining it Gandhiji says in his autobiography :

It involves self-chosen suffering and humiliation tor the resis-
ters. If it is effective, it is so by working on the conscience ot
those against whom it is being used, sapping their confidence in
the exclusive rightness of their case, making their physical strength
impotent, and weakening their resolution by insinuating a sense
of guilt for the sufferings they have a part in causing . 01

Failure in his prayers, petitions, and interviews compelled
Gandhi to resort to this technique to remove the invidious
discriminations and indignities meeted out to the Indians in
South Africa. He experimented it with success in 1916 at
Champaran, Bihar, against Indigo-planters who subjected the
cultivators to ruthless oppression. Gandhi defied the govern-
ment order when he was asked to quit Bihar. He was arrested,
but the case had to be withdrawn and the harrowing tales
which Gandhi revealed after his investigation compelled the
government to pass necessary legislative measures to amelio-
rate the condition of the peasantry. Later satyagraha was
applied in resolving a dispute between the mill-owners and
labourers at Ahmedabad and in effecting a compromise at
Kaira between the authorities and peasants over assessment.

As a protest against the Rowlatt Act, Gandhi gave a call
for hartal on an all India basis and the people readily respon-
ded. It was an amazing spectacle on 6 April 1919, when "the
whole of India from one end to the other, towns as well as

seconded by Nilambar Datta and supported by S. Dowerah, Banshidhar
Chowdhury and Munshi Abdullah of Messrs Haji Ibrahim and Sons.

64 Sitaramayya, The History of the Congress, ii, p. 111.

238

Jattianwala Bagh Tragedy and its Aftermath

villages, observed the hartaT* 5 In spite of isolated incidents
in places like Delhi and Ahmedabad, there was unprecedented
enthusiasm of the people and fraternisation between the Muslims
and the Hindus which unnerved the authorities. Unable to
read the sign of times the government unleashed a ‘reign of
repression” at Lahore, Delhi and Amritsar. The “blackest
act” was committed at Amritsar in the afternoon of 13 April
1919, while a meeting was held at an enclosed area known as
Jallianwala Bagh. There under the orders of General Michael
O’Dwyer the troops fired ceaselessly upon unarmed people
until their ammunitions were exhausted and killed 379 and
wounded over a thousand. Martial law was then clamped over
the whole of Punjab and this was followed by indicriminatc
arrests, whipping, shooting, hangings and even aerial bombard-
ments. Special tribunals were set up which were

not courts of justice, but instruments for carrying out arbitrary will
of an autocrat. Sentences were passed unwarranted by evidence
and in flagrant violation of justice. In Amritsar innocent men and
women were made to crawl like worms on their bellies. 88

Even Winston Churchill in the British Parliament called
the Jallianwala Bagh massacre as the “greatest blot that has
been placed upon it (England) since the days gone by when
we burned down Joan of Arc”. 07 Naturally a wave of indig-
nation swept all over the country and there was a strong
demand for the recall and impeachment of the persons res-
ponsible for the horrible atrocity. But the British public and
their government “absolved them of the guilt” and “acclaimed
them as the saviours of the Empire” 68 The dismemberment
of Turkey at the Treaty of Severs (May 1920) despite protests
and entreaties of the Islamic world and the whole hearted

65 Gandhi Mahatma, Autobiography, p. 563.

66 Ibid., p. 578.

67 Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, 8 July 1920, Vol. 131,
cited in Tarachand, History of the Freedom Movement in India , iii,
p. 484.

68 Bisheswar Prasad, Changing Modes of Indian National Movement ,
p. 88.

240

GATHERING OF THE STORM

cooperation of Gandhi to the Khilafat cause brought the
Muslims and the Hindus still closer in their common struggle
for the country's freedom from the foreign rule. At this
critical moment, it was indeed unfortunate that Tilak died
and his mantle fell on Gandhi who was thenceforth to guide
the destinies of the nation. The Indian National Congress
at its special session at Calcutta in September 1920 and plenary
session at Nagpur resolved on non-cooperation with the govern-
ment for the redress of Khilafat and Punjab wrongs and the
attainment of complete Swaraj . Henceforth “the tide of
Indian nationalism took a new turn under the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi and the national movement became a
people s movement for the liberty from one end of the country
to another”. 09

Assam had played a significant role in the struggle for
freedom which had just begun ; but in the earlier stages her
political development was rather slow. It would be too much
to expect of Assam the same political advancement as that of
Bengal which had stolen a march over her in English education
by nearly half a century. Till the close of the nineteenth
century the progress of education in Assam, higher English
education in particular, was hopelessly slow while the problem
of communication and transport rendered it extremely difficult
for her people to have contacts even with their politically
advanced neighbours of Bengal. Above all, the horrors of
the Burmese invasions and the depredations made by the
neighbouring hill tribes broke down the morale of the peace-
loving Assamese to such an extent that they could not con-
template any government other than the British that would
ensure them all they wanted — security of life and property.
As stated already, even Maniram Dewan, the arch-enemy of
the British, at the time, not only welcomed but sincerely
desired Pax-Britannica till the end of Kalpa ( i.e. 4,320,000,000
years). To the early English educated Assamese British rule
was a Divine dispensation and freedom of the country from

69 Dutta, K. K., Freedom Movement in Bihar, i, p. 291.

Nationalist Movement in Assam : Its beginnings

241

the British was yet to cross their minds. All that they wanted
was, like the Moderates, not Swaraj but Suraj or good govern-
ment that would remove their long-standing grievances and
would bring in all-round improvements politically, culturally
and economically ; and this they sought to achieve not by
revolutionary but by constitutional means. No wonder, there-
fore, even in discussions and debates in the Councils, their
speeches were marked by effusion of loyalty to the British
government.

The emergence of a group of Assamese elite, though small,
imbued with advanced political ideas, produced a radical
change in Assam politics. Regional patriotism gave way to
national patriotism. Of the early champions of nationalism
mention may be made of Nabin Chandra Bardoloi, Tarun Ram
Phookun and Chandranath Sarmah. Bom of a highly respec-
table family of Kamrup, Bardoloi was a faithful ally and loyal
subject of the British government. A Moderate, as he was,
he pinned his faith on constitutional agitation and took the
leading role, as a delegate of the Assam Association, in repre-
senting the demands of his neglected province before the
Parliamentary Committees both in Calcutta and London. With
his unbounded faith on the liberalism of the British, during
the World War I, he enrolled himself in the Bengal Light
Horse and was prepared, as he says, to "die fighting for the
glorious British Empire ”. 70 He had high hopes that justice
would be done to the Indians on the lines of the announce-
ment of Montagu — that self-government would be a question
of time and India would be a part of the "glorious Empire”.
To his utter disappointment and dismay, as he deplored, "one
fine morning all my day-dreams • and my night-dreams were

70 ALCP., (March-April) 1928, Pp. 259-63.

For further study see Sen, S. P. (ed.) ; Dictionary of National Bio -
graphy 9 i, Pp. 204-6 ; Devi, Nalini, Smriti Tirtha ; Gohain Baruah, P. N.,
Jivoni Samgrah ; Phookun, T. R., Nabin Smriti ; Assam Publication Board,
Smriti Grantha ; Goswami, P., Karamvir Nabin Chandra Bardoloi .

16

242 *

GATHERING OF THE STORM

broken ” 71 There was nothing but breach of faith and act of
treachery. He explains :

After I went to get the Reforms, after I fought hard for the
reforms ... I returned to India only to see the blood-stained field
of Jallianwala Bagh and the callous indifference of our rulers. I
travelled to that place — I walked on the field and while there, I
knelt down and said — O’God, if this is what came out of our being
partners of the same Empire then save me from the Empire. 72

When his heart was thus “torn to pieces” and his feelings were
outraged”, Bardoloi turned into a “rabid nationalist” or some-
thing more. A grandson of Jagnoram Phukan, the earliest
product of English education, Tarun Ram Phookun was a
moderate in his political views. A loyal supporter of the
British government, Phookun had appealed to his countrymen
within and outside the council to render all possible aid to
Britain in her war against Germany. Now he also was dis-
illusioned. The excise policy of the government, unjust and
oppressive taxations, preferential treatment to the European
Planters and, above all, the Chaliha episode in the Council
disgusted him so much that he resigned his membership) from
the Council in which the voice of the Indian non-official
members was of little effect. The denial of self-government,
Khilafat wrongs, Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy
had shaken his faith altogether in the British government and
made him a rebel.*

Bardoloi-Phookun found in Chandranath Sarmah their
ablest lieutenant. With his ardent patriotism, selfless devotion
and immense capacity for work, Chandranath had already
shown his worth in organising the Assam Delegation to London
to safeguard the interests of the province at a crucial moment.
It was to the lasting credit of this young nationalist to rouse
the dormant spirit of the Assamese youths then studying in

71 Ibid .

72 Ibid.

♦For further study see Sen, S.P. (ed.) ; Dictionary of National
Biography , iii, Pp. 357-8; Gohain Baruah, P. N., Jivcmi Samgrah ;
Bardoloi, Gopinath, Tarun Ram Phookun ; Hazarika, A. C., Assam
S ahitya Savar Bhasanavali.

Nationalist Movement in Assam : Its beginnings

243

colleges and in inspiring them to dedicate themselves to their
country’s cause. Clouds were already gathering fast in the
eastern horizon — there were soaring prices, food riots, labour
unrest, strikes and middle-class unemployment. At this
precise moment there came the clarion call of Gandhi to
embark upon non-violent non-cooperation movement. The
nationalists in Assam readily responded and plunged headlong
into the struggle — the saga of which will be unfolded in our
next volume.

Statement showing the gradual increase in revenues on land

Appendix A

9 9 9 9

tn tn w n

00 00 oo 00

^ <N

9 9 2 a

1— I *— I © O

9 9 9 9
n 4 50 ^

S 2 o c

rf Tt 2 2

«-H *7* ’T 4

VO VO O

©99
4 © ©

« a ]

§ a 1

3 ° :
P 55 t

oo

JVo. 96 ; As., Vol. 21, 1870 (, November ) ; 1871 ( August ) ; Letter issued to
Board of Revenue.

Appendix B

OO cn^f

o

00 00 V©
W (S H

On

£; jn os

22 ^

00

S i— I Tj-

OO CN

r- u

t> »n © 3

oo CN i-< 00

VO

SS 2 «

,)> O VO o o

I oo m

M |o «n cn ©

is s ^ 10 °

h O n mo

00 H

m o m

»— (

m m vo ^

CN

m ON (N 1-1

cn

a

m

m

o\

VD

VO

m

VO

m

vo

Ov

■<fr

o

43

S S 8

f-H 1-1 ^

VO

O t"* o

r- <s T-

oo m 35
Tf O ^
1— « 1-H ON
VO

— i 1 -H oo
VO

8 s «

^ 1-1 oo
VO

^ ov

m

^ 00 S

to

T3

<L>

>» ^ >. w

Ss Bg g ’S
i > »§ > & S *®

T3 g *d S3 ^ fl

d 5 o c *3 o>

w S w C cfl cd o

C/5 <A cA C -*-* +-» u-

£ 52 etf 8 O O S

PU < Oh CA H H G*

a

o

’£2

8 g

t- S

4-» o?

w w

I i

I s

O 4>

§5

« a
IS

!

<a

I

•o

1

8 V

£

a

0

0

Jd

u
o
o
3

C/9

<4-4 d

o >

cd

|

flj

>»

(L>

£!
a *

IS*

4-4
CA O

v f cd

4-» <4—

cd .S2
'O

* - 03
*0 CA

a _

s E?

w a>
_ >
c2 «»

*A

CA

8 g

3 H

CA

rn dj

«n 55

a>

« £

■s d

33 O

CA

<

i |

® a

it

* «
T3

£ u
o ^

CJ 4-4
?>

* G

G *~

O CA

■o o

s k
f3

5s

cd

g

3 CA

ca J 22

« fi

G >»

■— o

a o o
o

— pG

4-4 O

CA *—

—4 pZl

T3

4>

•o

5 ’3

4 -»

^ -o

[2 §

-5 ed

O ^

o g

CA £3

<4-4 3

O 04
Cd

s a

CA pG

s a

u m

and it may be expected that, with the establishment of a second-grade college at
Gauhati, there will be still greater progress.

Appendix C

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS
OF JOURNALISM IN THE ASSAM VALLEY*

The following is a complete list of the various journals
and newspapers which have been started from time to time :

(1) Arunodaya . — This monthly magazine was the pioneer
of journalism in the Assam Valley, and was started in 1846
by the American Baptist Missionaries of Sibsagar, who, follow-
ing the example of their brethren of Serampore, established
the first printing press in Assam in 1840. From tin's press
they issued not only numerous vernacular publications con-
nected with the Propagation of the Gospel, but also tho
magazine just mentioned, the buranji by Kacinath Tarrmli
Phukan, some useful educational works, and the only Assamese
dictionary which has yet been published. The Arunodaya
was written in a very popular style, and was devoted to reli-
gion, science, and general intelligence. Its pages were illus-
trated with wood-cuts copied from the engraving of the
Illustrated London News, and among other interesting items,
it published an Assamese translation of an Ahom buranji and
a buranji of the Chutiyas. In 1867-68, its subscribers numbered
no less than 700, and it made such an impression on the people,
that any newspaper issued in the province is still called
Arunodaya by the villagers. Having diffused useful know-
ledge for 36 years, this magazine was discontinued in 1882,

when the Mission Press was sold.

»

(2) Asam-bilasini . — This was a monthly vernacular paper
issued, in 1871, from the Dharmaprakash Press of the Majuli
in Sibsagar. It was an organ of the Auniatiya Gosain. It
was mainly a religious paper, and contained only a few items of
general information. The paper continued for twelve years

* This Note was written for me by Babu Hem Chandra Gossain.

250

APPENDIX

and ceased to exist in 1883, when the Satra was removed to
a new site.

(3) Asarrv mihir . — This was the first weekly newspaper in
Assam. It was published, in 1872, at the Chidananda Press,
Gauhati, and was at first written in Bengali, but subsequently
in Bengali and English. It was discontinued in 1873 for want
of sufficient support.

(4) Asam Darpana . — This was a monthly journal in
Assamese, started during the year 1874-75 by a resident of
the Darning district. The paper was printed in Calcutta and
published in Darrang. It existed only for a short time.

(5) and (6). In the year 1875-76, two papers, one treat-
ing of science and literature and the other of a religious
nature, were edited by natives of Nowgong. These two papers
were also printed in Calcutta.

(7) Goalpara Hitasadliini . — This was a weekly paper in
Bengali, published in 1876, at Goalpara. It was continued
till 1878, and then failed for want of support.

(8) In 1876, the Dihingiya Gosain, of Nowgong, edited
a monthly magazine dealing with religious subjects, which was
printed at Gauhati. It found only a limited sale among the
disciples of the Gosain.

(9) Asam Dipaka . — This was a monthly journal in Assa-
mese, and was issued from the Dharmaprakash Press in 1876.
It lasted only one year.

(10) Chandrodatja. — This was a monthly vernacular maga-
zine, and was issued from the Chidananda Press, Gauhati, in
1876, but ceased to exist after a short period.

(11) Asam News . — This was a bilingual weekly paper
started in Gauhatj, in 1882, and contained articles in Assamese
and English. At one time it had as many as 900 subscribers,
and its articles were often well written. But, owing to diffi-
culties in the matter of editors, etc., it gradually fell off, and
was discontinued in July 1885.

Appendix 251

(12) Asam Bandhu . — This was a monthly vernacular maga-
zine started in 1885 by Rai Gunabhiram Barua, Bahadur. It
contained articles relating to science, arts, and literature, and
was printed in Calcutta. Only 16 numbers appeared, and
the journal was then discontinued for want of support. The
editor had commenced a valuable series of articles entitled
Assam — past and present, but, owing to the untimely end of
the paper, the series was never completed.

(13) Mau . — This was a monthly literary journal, in
/Assamese, edited by Babu Hari Narayan Bara. The paper
was printed in Calcutta. It made its appearance in December
1886, and was discontinued after the fourth issue, as the
number of subscribers was very small.

(14) Asam Tara . — This was a monthly vernacular paper
started in 1888 and published at the Dharmaprakash Press.
It treated of religious, historical and literary subjects, but
was discontinued in September 1890. It ceased to exist owing,
it is said, to the proprietor having gone on a pilgrimage.

(15) Jonaki . — This is a monthly magazine and review
established by the Assamese students residing in Calcutta.
The paper was started in 1889, and is still in existence. It
treats of scientific, historical, and other useful subjects, and
has been conducted with zeal and ability ; several well-
written original articles have appeared in its pages.

(16) Bijuli . — This is another monthly Assamese journal,
which was started by Assamese students in Calcutta. It

appeared in 1890, and was discontinued before the comple-
tion of its third year. It published some interesting articles

on the Muhammedan invasions of Assam.

(17) Asam . — This is a weekly newspaper written in
Assamese, with occasional English articles. It was started at
Gauhati in September 1890, and still exists. The paper is
conducted with ability, is national in its tone, and reflects the
opinion of the orthodox portion of the higher castes.

252

APPENDIX

(18) The Times of Assam. — This is a weekly newspaper,
in English, started in January 1895, and published at the
Radhanath Press, Dibrugarh. It still exists, and is conducted
with considerable ability. It attempts to reflect the opinion
of the planting, as well as the advanced section of the native
community.

( Report on the Progress of Historical Research in
Assam by E.A. Gait, Shillong 1897 )

Appendix D

REVOLUTIONARY LITERATURE
(i) YUGANTAR
OUR POLICY
India for Indians
Away with whites.

Bande Mataram

DEAR READERS,

We have made our appearance at this junction, as the
situation is one of extreme importance. Do not be deluded
away by false hopes and temporary conciliations. Let not
any conciliatory measure of the Government pacify you and
scare you away from your path. Sacrifice white blood un-
adultered and pure to your Goddess in the altar of freedom-
The bones of the martyrs are crying for vengeance and you
will be a traitor to your country if you do not adequately
respond to the call. Whites, be they men, women or children,
murder them indiscriminately and you will not commit any
sin but simply perform the highest Dharma. We shall appear
again soon with more details. Adieu.

Editor

N.B. — The Editor will be extremely obliged to the readers if
they translate this into all languages and circulate it
broadcast — Editor.

»

( Home Political — A, Nos. 138-139 , May 1910)

(ii) YUGANTAR— NEW YEAR’S DAY NUMBER

A glass tube filled with picric acid and chlorate of potash
and powdered glass and another glass tube containing sul-

£54

APPENDIX

phuric acid to be embedded inside of it (idea is that the
impact, glass tube will be broken and sulphuric acid liberated,
this will ignite -charge and cause detonation. The chlorate
of potash and picric acid form picrate of potassium, a lead
ball to be placed to crack it. )

The Editor suggests that the formulae is the only means
of the people for the co-operation with the Government.

Wishing a Merry Xmas and a prosperous New Year.

The Sub-Editor.

( Home Political — A, Nos. 136-137 , May 1910 )

(iii) AWAKE ARISE ARM

And when recording history displays

Feats of renown through wrong in ancient days,

Tells of a few stout hearts that fought and died
Where duty placed them at their country’s side ;

The man that is not moved with what he reads
That takes no fire at their heroic deeds.

Unworthy of the blessings of the brave.

Is base in kind and born to be a slave.

It is the month of May. Oh Indians, it was in this month
that the first campaign of the war of Independence was begun
by the Martyrs of 1857 in the battlefields of India. It was in
this month that the mission of “Away with the foreigner’ was
proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of INDIA. It
was in this month that the war-cry Maro Firungee Ko was
raised by the throats of thousands. Though you died, Oh
glorious Martyrs of the so called Mutiny, which in fact, was
a war for the protection of religion and liberty ; yet your
blood was not shed in vain. It is bringing fruit to-day. The
mission proclaimed by you is going to be performed by your

Appendix

255

worthy successors. The flag you upheld is being done so by
your worthy sons. Oh sons of the soil of India. Be Worthy
of your sires. Let not the world say that the Indians break
their fathers vows. Let not the world even imagine for a
moment that the blood of 1857 was shed without any issue,
but let the world know that the war begun in the May of
1857 is not over in the May of 1909, and shall not be over,
till another May sees your destinies, Oh Indians, accomplished
and your mission fulfilled.

Awaken yourself to the sense of duty and sec that
England, which boasted of being the shelter place of the per-
secuted of the continment, has turned India into a land of
tyranny and repression. These mountains, which were raised
by God above the crest of the earth to send forth streams into
the valleys in order to make them fertile, have turned to be
places of pray and robbery.

The history of the world teaches you that no man or body
of men has been known yet to relinquish voluntarily powers
in possesion.

The French Revolution tells you that “assassination lurks
in the shadow of absolute tyranny.” Many remarkable events
in the history of the world reveal fully before you, that
■“assassination is the only weapon of disarmed patriotism.”
Love of the Motherland so fill your hearts that all else should
appear of little importance by its side. A fervent patriotism
which rejoices at every opportunity of sacrifice for the Mother-
land, a dauntless heart which refused to be turned back
from its object by difficulty or danger, a deep faith in the
purpose of providence that nothing can shake.

Take courage and continue the war begun in the May
of 1857. If you die in this Revolution, you die for a cause
which leads to peace on earth and glory in heaven. If you
die Gita assures you of “life after death.” Rise therefore Oh
Brethren and work with a firm faith in God, who is head of

256

APPENDIX

all hands, all hearts, and all agencies and your work is to
take place among

The deeds of men, unfriended and unknown.

Sent forth by Him who loves and saves his own.
With faithful toil a barren land to bless.

And feed His flocks in the Wilderness.

Bande Mataram

(Please circulate among brother patriots)

( Home Political — A, Nos. 56-57 September 1909)

Appendix E

Extract of the proceedings of the meeting of the Assam Asso-
ciation held on the 14th February, 1904 :

A public meeting of the Assam Association was held
this evening, the 14th February, 1904, to discuss and consider
on the subject of the desirability or otherwise of the expansion
of the territorial jurisdiction of Assam by incorporating with
her certain districts of East Bengal as proposed by the
Government of India, whereon the President of the said
Association was asked by the Chief Commissioner of Assam,
in his letter No. 32 For.- 62-74 P., date the 8th January, 1904
to submit his opinion from the Assam point of view. The
meeting was thoroughly represented by all sections and classes
of people

The President on opening the meeting asked the Secretary
to read out the Proceedings of the last meeting, which having
been read out by Srijut Amrita Bhusan Adhikary, Joint
Secretary, Mr. Risley's letter was placed for the public dis-
cussion. Srijut Abhaya Nath Chakarbutty, Assistant Secretary,
read out the letter and explained its objects very concisely
both in English and Bengali, after which an elaborate discus-
sion followed regarding the advantages and disadvantages of
Assam of the proposed territorial changes from Assam point
of view. The resolutions of the meetings of the several Branch
Associations held at different places, viz., (1) Goalpara,
(2) Barpeta, (3) Gauhati, (4) Tezpur, (5) Nowgong, (6) Golaghat,
(7) Dibrugarh, were also read before the meeting. And with
reference to, and in conformity with, the majority of these
resolutions, the following resolutions were unanimously
adopted :

Resolutions

(1) That the Association is of opinion that, even in the
event of the proposed changes taking place, the new

17

APPENDIX

province thus constituted cannot have a self-contained
Civil Service which will attract its members, and that
the Association is at one with the arguments advanced
by Sir Henry Cotton, the late Chief Commissioner
of Assam, in his official minute of the year 1897 on
the subject of annexation of Chittagong Division to
Assam.

(2) That the Division of Chittagong need not be added
to Assam to give the province a port, inasmuch as
the improved means of communication between
Assam and Chittagong is offering her the same
advantages whether Chittagong is within the province
or not.

(3) That the meeting is of opinion that the Bengal form
of administration is too highly developed, too legal-
ised, and too impersonal for such a backward province
as Assam, and it apprehends that the cause of Assam
and the interest of her people will greatly
suffer if the highly-advanced districts of Dacca and
Mymensingh be annexed at present to her territorial
jurisdiction when her people has not attained to such
a position as to stand without the protection, special
privileges, and parental care of the Government.

(4) That the meeting apprehends, that by the proposed
territorial change the historic name of Assam will be
obliterated for ever, her language suffer, and the
removal of the seat of Government to a place outside
Assam proper and further away from the geogra-

* phical centre will necessarily make her lose the
amount of care and attention which it at present
receives from the Government.

Amongst the Branch Associations, the Dibrugarh Branch
suggested that Chittagong may be added to the advantage of
Assam, and in the meeting at Gauripur it was suggested that,
if territorial redistribution is necessary at all for the efficient

Appendix

259

form of Government in Assam and to lighten the excessive
burden of Bengal Government, it may be better effected by
annexing Rangpur, Kuch Behar, Jalpaiguri, and some parts of
Bogra district to Assam, as the inhabitants of those places are
identical in race, religion, and language with those of Lower
Assam, which is contiguous to them.

With regard to the latter, it was resolved that die above
two suggestions be circulated to all the District Associations
for their opinion, and that the matter may be brought forward
in a meeting, the date of which to be fixed later on, after the
replies from the branches received.

PP.(H.C.) vol. 81, 1906, Annexure 2

Appendix F

Note dated the 31st March, 1904, by Babu Kamini Kumar
Chanda, Pleader and Vice-Chairman, Municipal Committee,
Silchar.

The districts of Sylhet and Cachar were transferred to
Assam in 1874. The people of these districts were strongly
opposed to it. In the opinion of the educated community sepa-
ration from Bengal has during these 30 years deprived these
districts of larger life, and of participation in general progress
and culture of Bengal. They are also unable to enjoy rights
and privileges which have now from time to time been secured
to Bengal. It is hardly necessary to enumerate them here,
but there can be no question that Sylhet and Cachar, along
with the other parts of Assam, are denied privileges and
advantages which people in Bengal enjoy. In social matters,
too, while the eastern districts of the province have come
closer to the western and more advanced districts through
intimate relations, political, administrative, and commercial
with Calcutta, Sylhet and Cachar continue to be as isolated
as ever.

2. But in spite of these serious drawbacks, we have
become content with our present position, owing to the special
and compensating advantages we enjoy in the matter of edu-
cation and public service and some other matters probably,
as compared to what we might have possibly enjoyed had we
continued to be in Bengal. These special advantages are
unquestionably due to the smallness of the area of Assam,
which also makes it possible for the head of the Administration
to be in touch with the leaders of public opinion and of the
people in the province, and without which, in the absence of
the more perfected machineries of Administration existing in
Bengal or Bombay, the Assam Government would be consi-
derably weaker than what it now is. From this, it follows
that the distinctive features of Assam will, in my humble

Appendix

261

judgement, disappear if the area and the population under
the Administration are increased. The transfer of other dis-
tricts to Assam will also deprive us of the special advantages
which are looked upon as compensation for the loss we have
sustained by being cut off from Bengal. The proposed addi-
tion of Bengal districts to Assam would therefore take away
the chief source of its strength and would probably require
very comprehensive changes in the Administrative machinery
involving heavy expenditure which the province will be unable
to bear.

3. Assam, even as it is at present constituted, contains
communities of very conflicting interests. “There is probably
no Local Government”, as the Honourable High Court observed
in their minute of 30th June, 1896, “which comprises of so many
heterogeneous elements as that of Assam. To say nothing of
the British interest in tea, coal, railway, and other industries,
the province of Assam at present contains a more varied
native population than probably any other province in India”.
There is no doubt that the addition of the Chittagong Division
will very greatly increase the already existing conflicting
interests in Assam and certainly enhance administrative diffi-
culties. I believe the differences in the dialects in the province
will also become more numerous.

4. The two grounds which might be thought to weigh
in favour of the proposed scheme in the consideration of
Assam, namely, the desirablity of having the Assam-Bengal
Railway under one Administration and of having a separate
port (Chittagong) for Assam, do not seem to me to be very
convincing. If I mistake not, the most important railway
lines in India, namely, the Edst Indian Railway, the Great
Indian Peninsular Railway, the North-Western Railway, the
Bombay-Boroda and Central India Railway, and the Bengal-
Nagpur Railway, all cover the jurisdictions of more than one
Local Administration, and this fact has not, so far as my
limited knowledge goes, been ever cited as in any way a grave
disadvantage while the port of Karachi, which naturally should

262

APPENDIX

be the port of the Punjab, is under the administration of the
Bombay Government. I do not, therefore, see how the pro-
posed transfer of the Chittagong Division can be said to be
called for in the interest of Assam.

5. I would also doubt if it would be possible or desi-
rable to create self-contained services for Assam by increasing
the area in the manner proposed— even by transferring Dacca
and Mymensingh ; the province would, I am afraid, become
less attractive for the services than it now is.

6. From the above considerations it will be seen that,
in my opinion, the arguments against transferring Dacca and
Mymensingh to Assam are stronger.

7. For the same reason, I am of opinion that the pro-
posed Lieutenant Governorship is also objectionable. Beside
the considerations of cost which are too serious to be ignored
it would be detrimental to the interests of the present districts
of Assam, owing to the headquarters of the Government being
situated in Dacca, which would naturally receive a greater
portion of the attention of the head of the administration which
we now enjoy. Besides the province as proposed under the
scheme would comprise a good many unhealthy and unpopular
districts unrelieved by a fair proportion of attractive ones and
will therefore be avoided by good officers and there will be a
feeling of discontent among officers who will then be perma-
nently posted here.

8. The Honourable, the Chief Commissioner invited my
opinion from the provincial point of view. My opinion is
therefore necessarily based on somewhat narrow and parochial
grounds, though if I were to consider it from even the view-
point of the whole of my race and nation I would be still more
strongly opposd to it.

PP. (ff.C.) vol. 81, 1906 , Annexure 6

Appendix G

Witness of the Assam Association to give evidence before
the Reform Committee.

From : Srijut Nabin Chandra Bardoloi, B.L., member of the
Assam Association , Gauhati.

To

The Honble Rai Ghanasyam Borooah Bahadur,
General Secretary, Assam Association.

Dated Gauhati, the 1st December, 1918.

I am in receipt of the resolutions passed at the last
meeting of the Association at Jorhat on the lltli November
last. While thankfully accepting the honour of being elected
a representative of the Association and through it of the
Assamese people, I am extremely sorry that I am the only
person who would represent the popular views. As this
measure concerns people most and as it is being looked at by
officials with disfavour for obvious reasons, I think there
ought to have been more representatives of the people than
officials.

In this respect, I may mention that the public utterances
of the people in authority in Assam on this matter are not
very encouraging. The knowing portion of the population
rely more on the principles of justice and liberty which the
great British and American nations fought for than any opinion
to be given by those who belong to Ihe old race of adminis-
trators. Let me put a few noble sentences from the inspiring
speech of President Wilson in this memorandum they are —
“brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty
phrase”. We are fighting again for the liberty of Self-Govern-
ment and the undictated development of all people.

There may be numerous castes and dialects in Assam, but
when it comes to corporate actions it does not work the mis-

864

APPENDIX

chief, it is represented to be doing or liable to do. Hinduism
in Assam was such from time immemorial and representative
systems and principles are better known to the Assamese
people than to any other people in India. It is only a century
now that Assam has lost her independence. We are thankful
to a wise providence for the fact that we have come under
British rule. Any student of Assam History will say that the
nobles and the nine councillors elected kings and that the
council of nobles backed by the people could and did depose
tyrranous kings. Even now every village containing several
castes and also the so-called caste prejudices, is nothing but
a representative unit, the village namghar being the common
meeting place. There are many villages in which Brahmins
and other high caste men live but the g aonburas are men of
comparatively lower castes. The great satras of Assam are
purely representative institutions. The elections of the
Barpeta satra shows how keenly alive are even the commonest
and the poorest men there, of their right to have a voice in
the government of their satra . There are many castes there
but in spite of their everyday quarrels, the orderly fashion in
which the everyday business especially on great festival days
are carried on should open the eyes of detractors. The interest
of the educated classes is never antagonistic to that of the
poor ryots for whom the opponents of Home Rule for India
has lately developed such an affection.

Before giving details I beg to submit that the present
circumstances of Assam is much more favourable for granting
franchise on a broad principle than anywhere else in India.

I. Tea Industry : This industry is almost monopolised
by Europeans — but my Association while deprecating commu-
nal representation altogether thinks that this industry should be
especially represented by one member each from the two
valleys, not because they are a sturdy race of settlers (because
they are not such) but because they are a powerful interest
whose cause even the Government has been advocating and
because the chance of election which they had from the Local

i Appendix

265

Boards being gone they must now stand from the general
electorate. There also they would not stand any chance
although it has been strongly urged that the educated and
high class people are inimical towards the depressed people
and the European people are their friends.

2. Mohammedans : My Association while strongly depre-
cating communal representation agrees to the reason given in
the report but advocates that the seats so given should conform
to the ratio of Mahammedan to other people of the Province.
The number of Mahammedans being 13 per cent. Of the
total population in the Assam Valley the Mahammedans should
get 13 per cent of the seats alloted to Ihe elected members.
In Surma Valley the proportion of Mahammedans compared
with others is 15 to 19 and seats should be alloted to
Mahammedans accordingly.

3. Landholders : My Association recomends a seat for
the landholders. If it is thought to be a communal repre-
sentation again I would suggest that the Zamindars of
Goalpara should be alloted that seat and the Zamindars of
Sylhet of the same status should be given the other seat.

4. General electorate : The tests which commend to my
Association are educational and payment of taxes. It should
be so adjusted as to ensure the right of voting to 75 per
cent of the adult male population. Assamese people would
enter into the spirit of the thing very easily once they know
what it is. It must be admitted by all who knows Assam
that the Assam peasants are much higher in intelligence and
status than similar people in other parts of India. The
municipal contests at Gauhati and* other places now a days show
how readily Assamese people catch the spirit.

(a) Out of the 40 members in the two valleys which my
Association thinks should be elected, there ought to be 19
members from the Surma Valley and 21 members from Assam
Valley. The population of Surma Valley, excluding the hill
districts, is, according to the last census report, 29, 70, 134

266

bpsmmc

and that of the Assam Valley, excluding the hill districts,
31, 08, 669. Taking lakhs as units the ratio of Surma Valley
comes to 19 out of 40.

(b) Out of the 21 for the Assam Valley my Association
recommends that three seats should be reserved for
Mahammedans, one for the tea industry and one for the
Zamindars as stated above.

Non-Muslim population
Taking lakhs as units.

Population

24

16

Goalpara

3,89,081

3

2

Kamrup

6,03,201

6

4

Darrang

3,57,009

3

2

Nowgong

2,87,907

2

IK (2)

Sibsagar

6,60,581

6

4

Lakhimpur

4,55,570

4

2}*

*Lahhimpur had this population during the census time.
Since then the Sadiva and Eastern Districts have been sepa-
rated hence the population would be much less. I therefore
suggest that the two thirds of Lakhimpur should be added to
the one-third of Nowgong and make it two.

(c) Surma Valley : Deducting the two seats mentioned
above, there remains 17 seats for the Mahammedans and the
others.

The Mahammedans are 16,22,988.

The Non-Moslems are 19,24,042.

The proportion works out at 9 non-Moslems and 8
Mahammedans.

There are however questions of figures and liable to be
charged once the principle is accepted.

Appendix 267

Qualifications of voters : I have stated above about it.
My Association thinks that the following qualifications will
satisfy the needs and ensure the voting rights of 75 per cent
of the adult male population :

(a) Payment of revenue or rent to Zamindar to the extent
of Rs. 25 or upwards.

(b) Passing the Matriculation Examination of the Calcutta
University or any other equivalent examination.

(c) Payment of municipal tax or taxes to the extent of
Rs. 5/- or upwards.

(d) All income tax payers.

It is hoped that this qualification would enable about
75 per cent of the adult male population to vote and the
reproach that a few interested educated and high class men
would form another bureaucracy would not exist.

Transferred Subjects :

Regarding transferred subjects I have nothing further to
add to the list which my Association has submitted already.
I can only say that personally I do not think that higher edu-
cation though desirable should be brought under the minister
at present. The Forest Department vitally concerns the people
in their every-day life business and people think this Depart-
ment to be an oppressive one in many respects, so I think
that this Department should come under the control of the
minister and so should Excise and Public Works, for similar
reasons.

SD/- Nabin Ciianura Bardoloi,
Member, Assam Association

Glossary

Abkari, excise revenue.

Amarawati, the abode of Lord Indra in the heaven.

Amlah, an agent or officer.

Arkati, a labour recruiting agent.

Assar, third month of Hindu calendar corresponding to June-
July.

Baijee , a female-dancer by profession.

Bailung or Byloong, an Ahom priest.

Barangani , subscription.

Bari , garden lands.

Burkandaz , an armed policeman.

Barphukan , the Viceroy of Gauhati under Ahom Government.
Barsenapati , the chief of the Muttocks or the Moamarias.
Bazar y a daily market.

Beel 9 a small lake.

Bhadra , fifth month of Hindu calendar corresponding to
August-September.

Bihu 7 an Assamese national festival.

Bishaya 9 local collector of revenue.

Borah , an officer over twenty pykes.

Brahmottar , rent-free land granted to the support of a
Brahmin.

Bunker , a tax on cutting of reeds.

Chapari, a high land formed by silt deposit on the bank of
a river.

Choga-chapkan , a tight fitting long coat and trousers.
Chokey y a frontier out-post.

Daly pulses.

DaOy a large knife.

DarogCy a police officer in charge of a police station.
Debottar 9 rent-free land given to the support of a deity.
Deodhayy an Ahom priest.

Deo Puja y demon worship.

Dewany Chief Executive.

Glossary 269

Dharmottar , rent-free land given to a satra or temple or
religious preceptor.

Dhenga, a labourer.

Dhuti, loin cloth of a man tied round his waist.

Doloi, the priest of a temple or devalaya ; the chief of
Jayantia Hills.

Duar, a mountain pass ; a region adjoining a hill.

Durbar, an assembly.

Dykhai, a foreigner.

Eleka, jurisdiction.

Fakir, a Muslim mendicant or a Hindu ascetic.

Firinghi, a European, a foreigner.

Gamati, bodyland.

Gaonburah, a village headman.

Gaum, a tribal chief.

Ghat, a bathing place on a river bank or tank.

Gkullail, a catapult.

Gola, depots of articles.

Gora paltan, a European battalion.

Gorkhati, a tax on timber.

Gossain, a spiritual guide.

Hartal, strike.

Hat, a market place.

Havildar, a non-commissioned officer corresponding to a
sergeant.

Hazarika, an officer entrusted with the supervision over
thousand pykes.

Jalkar, a tax on fisheries.

Jamadar, a police officer of lower rank ; a non-commissioned
military officer.

Jatra, theatrical performance. .

Jorahdhorah, a title conferred by the Ahoms.

Kakoti, a village accountant.

Kala-azar, black fever.

Kania, an opium eater.

Kani Nibarani Sabha, opium prohibition committee.

Keya, merchants from Marwar.

Khalifa, religious head of the Muslims.

GLOSSARY

270

Khat, a small estate including arable land.

Khel, a unit or division of people made by the Ahom rulers
for specific profession.

Kheldar, head of a khel or officer in charge of a khel.
Khidmatgar , a waiter, a servant.

Khusary, grazing tax.

Killa, a fort.

Konwar, a prince.

Kookoorachuah-Chaodang, keeper of chickens.

Kulin , a puritan Brahmin.

Lathi, a stick or club.

Likchoo, attendant or labourer granted to an officer as
remuneration.

Mahamantri, a high civil officer.

Mel, an assembly of people.

Mirasdar, a landlord.

Mofussil, rural.

Morah, a cane made stool.

Mouza, a revenue collection circle or a fiscal unit.

Muga, a kind of silk worm or cloth.

Muktear, an agent, a spokesman.

Nazarana, tributary, a ceremonial offering.

Pan, the betel-leaf.

Panchayat, village assembly.

Pandit, a learned man.

Pargana, a revenue division or a fiscal unit.

Patgiri, a minor revenue officer or a local collector of revenue.
Pathsala, a primary school.

Patta, a lease deed or title deed.

Patwari, a clerk or a village accountant.

Phukan, a high official under the Ahoms.

Pufa, , worship ; a religious ceremony.

Pura, a measurement of land equivalent to four bighas of
land.

Pyke, a ryot under the Ahom rule whose duty was to render
service to the king or the state.

Rais, the public.

Raja, a king.

Ranee, a queen.

Glossary 271

4

Rupit, arable land or land on which winter crop or trans-
planted paddy is grown.

Ryot, a peasant whose main occupation is cultivation.

Sadar, a headquarters of a district.

Sadiyakhowa Gohain, the Khamti chief.

Sahib, a master, commonly applied to Europeans.

Saikia, a supervisor over one hundred pykes.

Salidhan, a principal variety of transplated paddy.

Sardar, chief.

Sarkar Bahadur, government.

S astra, a scripture.

Sawan, fourth month of the Hindu calendar corresponding to
July-August.

S urrasurree, a tribunal for summary disposal of minor
offences.

Tahsildar, a revenue officer.

Tangonee, fiscal unit.

Tarh, the standard measure from 113*' to 123" in length.
Teel, the sesamum and its seed; Sesamum indicum.

Tekela, an attendant or a tea-maker.

Thakoor, a priest.

Thakuria, a Mandal or a minor fiscal officer to collect temple
and other dues.

Thana, a police station.

Tol, a school where Sanskrit language is taught.

Tola, l/80th of a seer equivalent to 10 gms. approximately.
Zamindar, a hereditary collector of revenue.

Select Bibliography

A. PRIMARY SOURCES

I. Unpublished Documents — (a) English .

1. Commonwealth Relation’s Office Library, London.*

Bengal Secret and Political Consultations, 1824-33.

— Political Consultations, 1826-35.

— Revenue Consultations, 1834-40.

— Judicial Consultations, 1835-40.

India Political Consultations, 1836-46.

Political Letters Received from India and Bengal

( Selected Papers only ).

Revenue and Judicial Letters Received from Bengal ( do ).
Despatches to India and Bengal, 1834-36.

2. National Archives of India, New Delhi.

Foreign Proceedings ( Selected Papers ).

Revenue Proceedings ( do ).

Home Political A, Proceedings 1907-19.

Do -B, do 1862, 1911-19.

History of Freedom Movement ; Assam Unit.

Home Political Deposit, 1907-8.

Reform Department Proceedings, General Deposit 1920
Minutes and Evidence, Royal Commission on Opium,
1893-4.

3. Nehru Memorial Museum Library, New Delhi.

History of Agitation for Separation of Sylhet and Cachar.
Reports of All India National Congress.

4 . f West Bengal State Archives, Calcutta.

Revenue Proceedings, 1834-69.

Judicial Proceedings, 1857-63.

General Committee of Public Instruction — Correspon-
dence relating to Gauhati School 1828-40.

* Listed according to the catalogue of the Commonwealth office
and library.

1 Select Bibliography

27a

5. Record Office, Assam Secretariat, Shillong.

Selected (a) Letters received from Government of
Bengal, (6) Letters issued to the Government of Bengal,,
(c) Letters issued to the Board of Revenue, (d) Letters
received from District Officers and (e) Letters received
from Miscellaneous quarters. Also Selected Files and
Bundles.

6. Office of The Deputy Inspector General of Police.

(Special Branch) Shillong and Gauhati.

Abstract of Intelligence, Assam Police, 1907-1920.

Abstract of Intelligence, Eastern Bengal and Assam
Police, 1906-7.

7. Office of Tiie District Gazetteers, Assam, Gauhati.

Selected papers on the History of the Freedom Move-
ment in Assam.

(b) Assamese

Baruah, Maniram, Buranji Viveka-Ratna, 1838, MSS
No. 272. Transcript No. 108, Preserved at the
Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies,.
Assam, Gauhati.

II. Published (a) English : Documents and Reports.

Addresses Presented to Lord Curzon of Kedleston*
Shillong, March 1900.

Aitchison, C.U., Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, etc.,.
Vol. XII, Part II Calcutta, 1929.

An Account of the Province of Assam and its Adminis-
tration, Shillong, 1903.

Assam Administration Report^ 1918-9.

— Labour Enquiry Report, 1906, 1921-22.

— Immigration Report, 1881.

— Legislative Council Proceedings, 1913-28.

Selection of Records, Government of Bengal, Vol. VII,
relating to whether Assamese Language or Bengali
should be taught in Schools.

— Vols. XIII and XVII, on disturbances in Cosseyah and
Jyntia Hills.

274

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

— Vol XXXVII, on Tea-cultivation in Assam, 1861.

Southborough Committee Vol. I, “The Franchise Com-
mittee,” 1918-19, London, 1919.

Accounts and Memoirs

Baruah, P. K., The Assam Delegation to the Joint
Parliamentary Committee Presided by Lord Selbome,
1919.

Brown, E. W., The Whole World Kin, Philadelphia, 1890.

Butler, J., Travels and Adventures in the Province of
Assam, London, 1855.

Buchanon-Hamilton, Francis, An Account of Assam, 1807-
14. Reprint, Gauhati, 1940.

Gammel William, A. M., History of American Baptist
Mission, Boston, 1850.

Hunter, W. W., Statistical Account of Assam, Vols. I and
II, Reprint, New Delhi, 1975.

M’Cosh, Dr. J. N., Topography of Assam, Calcutta, 1837.

Robinson, William, A Descriptive Account of Assam, 1841.

White, Adam, A Memoir of Late David Scott, London,
1832.

(b) Assamese

Bardoloi, K. C. (ed), Sadar Amiiuir Atmajivani by
Harakanta Sarma Baruah, North Gauhati, 1960.

Baruah Gunabhiram, Anandaram Dhekial Phukanar Jivan
Charitra, 1880, Reprint, Gauhati, 1971.

— Assam Buranji, 1884, Reprint Gauhati, 1972.

— Ram Navami Natak, 1857, edited by J. M. Bhattacharjee,

. Gauhati, 1965.

Bhuyan, S. K. (ed.), Asamar Padyu Buranji, consisting of
Dutiram Hazarika’s Kali Bharat Buranji and Bisweswar

■ Baidyadipa’s Belimarar Buranji ; Gauhati, 1964.

— Tungkhungia Buranji by Srinath Duara Barbaruah,
Reprint, Gauhati, 1968.

Dhekial Phukan, Anandaram, lnglandar bivaran in
Arunodai, No. 4, April, 1847.

275

Select Bibliography
(c) Bengali

Bhattacharjee, J. M. (ed), Assam Buranji by Haliram
Dheldal Phukan, Gauhati, 1962 ( first edition, Calcutta,
1829).

B. SECONDARY WORKS

(a) English

Ahluwalia, M.M., Freedom Struggle in India, Delhi, 1965.
Allen, B. C., Assam District Gazetteers, Shillong, 1905-7.
Antrobus, H.A., A History of the Assam Company,
1839-1953, Edinburgh, 1957.

Antrobus, H.A., A History of Jorehaut Tea Company
Ltd. (1859-1946).

Bagal, J. C., History of Indian Association, 1876-1951,
Calcutta, 1953.

Banerjea, P. N., Indian Finance in the Days of the
Company, London, 1928.

Banerjee, A. C., The Eastern Frontier of British India
Calcutta, 1946.

Barpujari, H. K., Assam in the Days of the Company
(1826-1858), Gauhati, 1963.

— Problem of the Hill Tribes : Noith East Frontier.
Vols. I and II, Gauhati, 1970 and 1976.

— (ed). Cotton College Golden Jubilee Volume, 1951-2,
Gauhati, 1952.

Baruah, B. K., Modern Assamese Literature, Gauhati,
1957.

Barua Hem, Assamese Literature, Second Revised
Edition, New Delhi, 1971.

Bhuyan, S. K., Anglo-Assamese Relations 1871-1926,
Gauhati, 1949.

— Studies in the History of Assam, Gauhati, 1965.
Bisheswar Prasad, Changing Modes of Indian National

Movement, Delhi, 1966.

Bishui, Kalpana, “The Origin and Evolution of the
scheme of Partition of Bengal” in the Quarterly
Review of the Historical Studies, (1965-6).

276

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bose, N. S., Indian Awakening and Bengal, Calcutta,
1976.

Das, M. N., India under Morley and Minto-Politics.

— Behind Repression and Reforms, London, 1964.

Dutta, K. N., Landmarks of the Freedom Struggle in

Assam, Gauhati, 1969.

Ghose, S., The Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in
India, Calcutta, 1969.

— The Western Impact on Indian Politics, 1885-1919,
Calcutta, 1967.

Ghosh, P. C., The Development of the Indian National
Congress, 1890-1909, Calcutta, 1960.

Guha, A., “Impact of Bengal Renaissance on Assam”,
Published in the Journal of the Indian Economic and
Social History Review , Vol. IX, 1972.

— “A Big Push without a Take off; A case Study of
Assam” (1871-1901) in the Journal of the Indian
Economic and Social History Review , Vol. V, 1968.

Gupta, D. C., Indian National Movement and Constitu-
tional Development, Delhi, 1973.

Mackenzie, A., History of the Relations of the Govern-
ment of the North-East Frontier of Bengal, Calcutta,
1884.

Majumdar, R. C. (ed), British Paramountcy and Indian
Renaissance, Vol. X, Bombay, 1965.

— History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. II
and III, Calcutta, 1963.

Neog, D., New Light on the History of Asamiya
Literature, Gauhati, 1962.

Pal, B. C., Memoirs of my Life and Times, Vol. I and
II, Calcutta, 1932 and 1951.

' Saikia, C. P. (ed), Lakshminath Bezbaruah, Gauhati,
1968.

Sarkar, Sumit, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal,
1903-1908, New Delhi, 1973.

Tarachand, History of the Freedom Movement in India,
Vols. II and III, New Delhi, 1967 and 1972.

Tendulkar, G. D., Mahatma.

S elect Bibliography

377

Sen, S. N., Eighteen Fifty Seven, Delhi, 1957.

— S.P. (ed). Dictionary of National Biography, Vols.
MV, Calcutta, 1972-74.

Singh, G. N., Landmarks in Indian Constitutional and
National Development, Vol. I, 1600-1919, Delhi, 1959.
Sitaramayya, P., History of the Indian National Congress,

1935.

Sword, V. H., Baptists in Assam, 1836-1936, Chicago,

1936.

(b) Assamese

Barthakur, Deb Sarmah and Borah, Manik , Gauhati,
1917.

Baruah, B. K. (ed), Arunodair Dhalfat , Gauhati, 1965.

— H. N. (ed), Bharatar Mukti Jujat Assam , Gauhati,
1972.

Cohain Baruah, P.N. (ed), Jivani Sangraha, Part I, 4th
Edition, Calcutta, 1948.

— Mor Suarani , Gauhati , 1971.

Goswami, J. (ed), Mor Jivan Sttaran by Laksluninath
Bezbaruah, Gauhati, 1972.

— P.D., Manik Chandra Baruah Aru Tear Jug, Gauhati,
1970.

— H. G., Asamiya Sahityar Chaneki , Vol. Ill, Calcutta,
1928-9.

— J. N., Jagannath Baruah , Jorhat, 1976.

Hazarika, Atul Chandra (ed), Bhasanmala , Presidential
Addresses of the Assam Student Conference, Gauhati,
1960.

Kakati, B. K., “Ambikagiri Rai Choudhurir Vyktitwat
Abhumiiki” published in Ambikagirir Vtjaktitwor
Abhas by Barkataki, U. % Gauhati, 1967.

Kalita, D., Karmavir Chandranath , Tezpur, 1946.

Neog, M., Asamiya Sahityar Ruprekha, 3rd Edition, 1970.

Raychoudhury, Ambikagiri, Mor Jivan Dhumuhar
Achati , Gauhati, 1973.

Sarmah, S. N., Asamiya Sahityar Itibritta , Pathsala, 1959.

— “Kripabar Barbaruar Rajniti” published by Lakshmi-
nath Bezbaruah.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

— Benudhar, Arghawali , 3rd Edition, Gauhati, 1970;
Maniram Dewan, Gauhati, 1950 ; Gangagobinda
Phukan, Gauhati, 1948.

Talukdar, Nanda, Sambad Patrar Rod-Kachalit Asamiya
Sahitya, Gauhati, 1975.

(c) Bengali

Gupta, Nirod Kumar, Swadhinata Sangramer Smriti,
Silchar, 1974.

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS

(a) English

The Friend of India (Serampore).
The Reis and Rayyet (Calcutta).

The Bengalee (Calcutta).

The Hindoo Patriot (Calcutta).

The Indian Echo (Calcutta).

The India Gazettee (Calcutta).

The India Nation (Calcutta).

The Indian Observer (Calcutta).

The Weekly Chronicle (Sylhet).

The Times of Assam (Dibrugarh).
The Advocate of Assam (Gauhati).

(b) Assamese

The Arunodai (Sibsagar).

The Mou (Calcutta).

The Jonaki (Calcutta).

The Bijuli (Calcutta).

The Assam Bauti (Tezpur).

(c) Bengali

The Bangadut (Calcutta).

The Sadharani (Chinsura).

The S amachar Darpan (Serampore).
The Samachar Chandrika (Calcutta).
The S omprakash (Cengripota).

Index

A

Abkari opium, 89.

Advocate of Assam, on rights of the
ryots , 154 ; on partition of Bengal,
181.

Agarwala, Chandra Kumar, member
Asamiya Bliasa Unnati Sadhini
Sabha , 142 ; edited Jonaki, 142 ;
romanticism of, 144, 152.

— Haribilas, 159 ; on opium policy,
134 ; literary contribution of, 148.

— Jyoti Prasad, a poet, 149.

Agnew, Major, the officiating Com-
missioner, mels suppressed by, 96.

Agrarian Revolts, at Phulaguri, 89-
93 ; Patharughat, 95-6 ; Gobinda-
pur, 95-6 ; Nalbari, Barama,
Bajali and Patharughat, 98-102.

Ahom Association, 174, 217.

Ahoms, their entry and forward
policy, 2-3 ; decline of, 3-4.

Ala Mingi, 4.

A-Lalung-Paya, annexed a portion
of Manipur, 5.

Ali Brothers, Muhammad and
Shaukat, 235.

— Faiznur, 237.

— Shaikh Farmud, Collaboration
with Maniram, 74 ; transportation
for life, 76.

Alipur Conspiracy case, 193.

Allen, W. J., Administration of the
Cosseyah and Jynteah Hill Terri-
tory, report of, 83.

Alston, J., 162.

Amarapura, court of, 5.

American Baptist Missionaries,
schools started by, 107-8.

— Baptist Mission Press, 150.

Amherst, Lord, Governor General,
declares war against Ava, 6.

Amlahs , official aristocracy replaced
by, 62-3.

Amrita Bazar Patrika , on agrarian
revolt, 101-2 ; on Jagatshi Ashram
case, 194.

Anandamath , a novel of Bankim
Chandra, 188.

Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes
Act, 1919; 238.

A nek Bia Kara Aiugut, 132.

Anglo-Burmese War, outbreak of,
6-7.

Anjuman-I-Islamia (Silchar), 168,
191.

— Itehad , (Habigang), 168.

Annexation, Lower Assam, 8-9 ;
Upper Assam, 34-5 ; Cachar, 36-
7 ; Jayantia, 39-40, 82 ; territory
of the Muttocks, 43.

Anti-British movements early phase,
18-28 ; Later phase, 61-87.

Anusilan Samiti, 168.

Arkatte , 167, 227.

Arynachal Ashram, aims and objec-
tives 193-4 ; activities of, 194-5.

Arunodai, first Assamese monthly,
121, 129, 132, 135-6, 143, 150.

Assam Association , activities of, 173-
5 ; on partition of Bengal, 180 ;
memorial to Secretary of State by,
200 ; on grazing tax, 210 ; de-

280

INDEX

mands self-government, 216 ;
sends delegation to Montagu,
216-8 ; two-men delegation to
London, 219-20 ; on Goalpara
issue, 232-3, 241.

—Band/m, 137, 152.

— Banti, 153, 196.

— Bengal Railways, plea for the
completion of, 163.

— Buranji (1884), 137.

—Bilashini, 151, 153.

— Conference, 165.

— Council, See Legislative Council.

— Darpan , weekly, 151.

— Delegation, Calcutta, 216, 218 ;
London, 219-21.

— Desk Hitaishini Sabha , 158.

— Dipika, 151.

— Gazette, suspension of the publi-
cation of, 225.

— Land and Revenue Regulations
of (1886), 160.

— Light Infantry, 23, 26, 29, 45, 70,
74, 78, 79, 92.

— Mihir, weekly, 151.

— Muhammedan Association, 217.

— News, Cauhati, 151.

— Tea-Company, establishment of,
54 ; Covernment tea-plantation
transferred to, 54 ; the growth of,
55.

— Valley Muhammedan Association,
174.

— Valley Trading Company, 187,
191.

— Valley l!ight Horse, 222.

— Weekly, 153.

Asamiya Bhasha Unnati Sadhini
Sabha, establishment of, 142 ;
founder members, 143 ; activities
of 158.

— Bibaha Paddhati , 132.

—Sahitya Sabha (1872), 158.

B

Bahadur Gaoburah, joins hands

with Maniram, 74 ; transportation

of, 76.

— Shah, the Mughal Emperor, 69.

Bahire Rang -Chang Bhitare Koa

Bhaturi, 132.

Bailey, Sir Steuart ; Chief Com-

missioner of Assam, 116.

Bajali, mels held at, 96, 98.

Bande Mataram Samiti, Sylhet, 168.

Banerjee, Rajkumar, 169.

Banerjea, S. N., 185.

Banga Darshan, 143.

Bangal-Bangalani Natak, 132.

Barama, mels held at, 96, 98.

Barangani , 30.

Barbaruah, Hites war, contributions
of, 145.

— Janardan, revenue department
placed under, 11-12 ; dismissal of,
18.

Bardoloi, Gopinath, 164.

— Nab in Chandra, his role in
Assam Association , 173-4 ; on

inclusion of Assam under reform
scheme, 218-9 ; represents Assam's
case in London, 219 ; oral evi-
dence of, 220 ; change in attitude
of, 241-2.

— Rajani Kanta, contribution of,
146.

— Rudraram, 132.

Bargohain, Dhanjoy, 19-20, 24-6.

Barkakoti, Kalikanta, 164.

— Lakshmi Kanta, 159 ; 165.

— Ramakanta, 142.

Barker, C, 135.

Barmanik, the ruler of Khyrem, 21,
23.

Barphukan, Lambodar, 12.

Baruah, Binanda Chandra, 149.

— Chandradhar, literary contribu-

Index

281

tion of, 146 ; deputation to
Calcutta of, 216 ; on Goalpara
issue, 233.

— Debi Charan, second Indian
National Congress represented
Assam by, 164 ; on fury system,
165-6; on representative govern-
ment, 166.

— Dutiram, complicity of, 74 ;
transportation of, 76.

— Ghanashvam, r6lc in Assam Asso-
ciation , 173 ; member of Assam
Council, 207 ; on “tainted
money”, 209 ; demands total
abolition of grazing tax, 210 ;
memorial to Secretary of State by,
218.

— Gunabhiram, advocates remar-
riage of wodows, contribution of,

131- 2, 137-8 ; his evidence before
Royal Commission on Opium,
133-4 ; Assam Bandhu , edited by,
152 ; Gy an Praclayani Sabha
organised by, 158.

— Ilem Chandra, supported remar-
riage of widows, 132 ; exposes
vices of the Assamese Society,

132- 3 : contributions to Assa-
mese language and literature by,
137, 143 ; Assam News edited by,
151.

— Jaduram, advocates remarriage of
widows, 131 ; Assamese-Bengali
Dictionary compiled by, 135.

— Jagannath, on abolition of opium,
134 ; memorial to Lord North-
brooke, 158 ; Jorhat Sarbafanik
Sabha founded by, 159 ; address
to Lord Curzon presented by,
163 ; Vice-President, Assam
Association , 172 ; on partition of
Bengal, 181.

— Kaliram, 148.

— Kanaklal, 142.

— Manik Chandra, memorial to
Chief Commissioner for the esta-
blishment of a college, 117 ; to
Northbrook for improvement
in communication, 158 ; to the
Secretary' of State for separation
of Assam, 200 ; Assam Associa-
tion founder member of, 172-4 ;
demands reservation of rights, 181;
role in the Council of, 202-4,
207-8 ; on war efforts, 202.

— Maniram, Dewan t welcomes the
British, 10 ; early anti-British
movement not supported by, 26 ;
administrative genious of, 65-6 ;
m ouzos transferred from, 66 ;
champions the cause of Ahom
monarchy, 66 ; memorial to Mills
by, 67-8 ; conspiracy at Jorhat
engineered by, 69ff ; arrest, trial
and execution of, 74-6.

— Peoli, 75.

— Mathuramohan, editor, the Advo .
cate of Assam , 153.

— Mohadhar, 22.

— Upcndra Nath, 142.

— Prabhat Chandra, Raja, presides
Assam Association , 172-3 ; member
Assam Council, 208 ; demands
separation of Goalpara, 218.

— Prasanna Kumar, presides Assam
Association , 175 ; member of

Assam delegation to London, 219-

* 20 .

— Priyalal, complicity of, 69-70 ;
Assam Desh llitaishini Sabha
founded by, 158.

Beadon, Sir Cecil, the Lieutenant
Governor of Bengal, 93.

Beatson Bell, N. D., Chief Com-
missioner, adverse remarks on
“tainted money” made by, 209 ;

282

INDEX

opposes inclusion of Assam under
reform scheme, 217.

Bedingfield, 22.

Bengal Light Horse, 241.

—trade with, 57-8 ; immigrants of,
62-3 ; cultural impact of, 126-7.

Bangalee , the, Jagatshi Ashram case,
views of, 194.

Bengalees, of Sylhet, appointed
mouzadars, 67.

Bentinck, Lord William, on restora-
tion of Ahom monarchy, 27-8.

Besant, Mrs Annie, Home Rule
Movement under, 214.

Bezbaruah, Dinanath, 126.

— Lakshminath, European dress and
manners adopted by 126 ; literary
contributions of 144ff ; patriotic
writings of, 149 ; represents
Assam in Indian National Con-
gress (1892), on jury system, 166 ;
revolutionary activities denounced
by, 196.

Bhattacharya, Kamalakanta, contri-
butions of, 147 ; literary prophet
of patriotism and nationalism,
148-9.

— Krishna Kanta, editor, Assam
Bilashini , 153.

— Sibanath, 148.

Bhramaranga, 145.

Bhuyan, Nakul Chandra, short story
writer, 147.

— S. K., contributions of, 148.

Bijayanarayan, Raja of Darrang,

11 .

Bird, W.W., 78.

Borah, Lambodar, 159.

— Raktim, 169.

— Satyanath, 134 ; prose style of,
147 ; represents Nowgong Ryot
Association , 164.

Bose, Ananda Mohan, 183.

Boycott, definition of, 168 ; in
Surma Valley, 187 ; in Assam
Valley, 186-7.

Bradlaugh, Charles, M.P., 166-7.

Brodie, Captain, Principal Assistant,
63 ; revenue measures under, 66 ;
English School, 106.

Bronson, Miles, school established
amongst the Nagas by, 134 ■,
Anglo-Assamese Dictionary com-
piled by, 135 ; on Assamese lan-
guage, 138 ; memorial to Lieute-
nant Governor by, 141.

Brown, Mrs, 135.

— Nathan, school at Sadiya started
by, 107 ; literary contributions of,
148.

Bruce, C. A., operations of Assam
Company, 54 ; appointment and
resignation of, 54.

Buckingham, James, represents
Assam in the Imperial Legisla-
tive Council, 202.

Burkandazes , depredations in
Kamrup and Darrang by, 2-3.

Burlton, 22.

C

Cachar, war of succession, 5 ;
affairs in the territory of, 37 ;
annexation of, 39.

Campbell, Sub-divisional officer,
Barpeta, 95.

— Sir George, Lieutenant Governor
of Bengal, 141 ; introduction of
Assamese in Courts and Schools in
the Assam Valley ordered by
141-2.

Carlyle, R. W., circulars issued by,
189.

Central Weaving Aid Society, 227.

Chaliha, Phanidhar, discussion in
council by, 173 ; on opium policy.

Index

283

209; on abolition of grazing tax,
210 ; distribution of essential
commodities by Government ur-
ged by, 226.

Chanda, Kamini Kumar, represented
Habiganj People's Association,
104 ; presides over first Surma
Valley Conference, 170 ; partition
scheme opposed by, 181 ; role in
Assam Council, 207 ; resolution
on the Chairmanship of Local
Boards, 208 ; urges separation of
Sylhet, 230-1 ; on Rowlatt Bills,
230-7.

Chandrodoy, 151.

Changkakati, Radhanath, editor.
Times of Assam, 153; represents
Assam in Indian National Con-
gress, 165.

Charlton, Lieutenant, 77.

Chattopadhayaya, Bankim Chandra,
144.

Choketjs, see Hadira.

Choudhury, Ramakanta, 144.

— Gurudas, Arunachal Ashram
founded by, 193.

— Prasannalal, 149.

Choudhuries, settlements with, 11-
12 ; police jurisdiction of, 13 ;
mismanagement of parganas
under, 14-5.

Churchill, Winston, on Jallianwalla
Bagh massacre, 239.

Collector, functions of, 47.

Comber, Colonel, A.C., Deputy
Commissioner, Darrang, 95.

Commercial transactions, 61-2.

Corwallis, Lord, G. G., despatches
troops to Assam, 2.

Cotton College, see Sir Henry Cotton.

— Collegiate School, establishment
of, 105-6 ; upgrading of, 113 ;
reversion to earlier status, 114.

— Sir Henry John Stedman, Chief
Commissioner of Assam — on the
establishment of a second grade
college in Assam, 118 ; lays foun-
dation of Cotton College, 119 ; on
transfer of Bengal districts to
Assam, 177.

Court Martial, to mutinous sepoys,
75.

Curzon, Lord, Governor-General,
Assam was visited by, 162-4 ; on
partition scheme, 168 ; ulterior
motives of, 178 ; partition fait
accompli under order of, 182.

Cutter Oliver, arrival at Sadiya,
134 ; starts schools, 107.

D

Dacca News , 150.

Danforth, A.H., missionary, arrival
of, 135 ; exposes injurious effect
Bengali in education, 138.

Das, Bholanath, poet, 144.

— Bhuban Ram, 203.

— Radha Binode, 169 ; presided
second Surma Valley Conference,
170 ; on Swaraj, 170-1 ; on hosti-
lity of the Muslims, 192 ; on
workings of the Council, 212 ; on
miseries of the ryots , 225.

— Ramani Mohan, warns against
growing unemployment and price-
rise, 224n.

-r-Choudhury, Brajalal, 169.

Dastidar, N ; on rise in prices of
salt and cloth, 224n.

Datta, Michael Madhusudan, t^mi-
nent Bengali poet, 144.

Davis, Lieutenant, 72.

De, Mohendra Nath, editor of
Praia Sakti, 193 ; succumbs to
bullet injury, 194.

284

INDEX

Deb, Dulal Chandra, Chairman,
Municipal Committee of Sylhet,
opposes partition scheme, 181.

— Raja Radha Kanta, 121.

Deshabarta , 153.

Development of. Modern Asasmese
Prose, 147 ; short stories, 147 ;

novels, 146 ; drama, 145 ; poetry,
145.

Dey, Mahendra, 159.

Dhckial Phukan, Anandaram, his
observations on Assam, 58, 120,
138 ; on education, 111-12 ; 122 ;
on technical knowhow, 122 ; on
administration of justice, 156-7 ;
on zamindari system of Bengal,
156 ; on revenue reforms, 156-7 ;
on improvement of agriculture,
122; apostle of the new age,
121ff ; suggestions to Mills, 121-
4 ; literary contributions of, 137-
9 ; political agitation started by,
156-7, Gtjan Pradayini S abha
organised by, 158.

Dhengas y recruitment of, 56.

Dibru-Sadiya Railways, strike by
the employees of, 225.

Dictionary in Assamese and
English, of Bronson, 135.

Dihingia Baruah, Jeurarn, 24, 27.

Directorate of Education, emergence
of, 115.

Doaneah Militia , 45.

Dolois of Jayantia, 83, 85.

Duflas, raids of, 45.

Durbar at Moobokhon, 86.

Duties, customs, 57 ; transit, 35 ;
stamp and excise, 88.

E

Earle, Archdalc, Chief Commissio-
ner of Assam, on Separation of

Sylhet, 205-6, 231 ; Goalpara,

231.

East Bengal and Assam Council,
attitude towards Assam of the
members of, 202 ; working of,
202-3.

—constitution of the province of,
182 ; annulment of the province
of, 204.

Elliott, Sir Charles, Chief Commis-
sioner of Assam, succeeds Bailey,
116 ; assures Collegiate Scheme,
117.

English School, Proposals for esta-
blishment of, 104 ; opening at
Gauhati of, 105 ; conversion to
Anglo-Vernacular Schools, 109 ;
affiliation to Entrance Examina-
tion, 114 *, opening at Sibsagar of,
106 ; increasing public demand

of, 112; progress of, 116, 119-20.

European Tea-planters’ Association,
173-4 ; partition scheme, wel-
comed by, 182.

Excise duties, introduction of, 88.

Expeditions, against Khasis, Garos,
Bhutias, 65 ; warlike tribes, 74.

F

Famine, occurrence of, 59.

Federation Hall, laying foundation
of, 183.

Female Education, early efforts
towards, 128-29 ; progress of,
130-1.

Fisher, Lieutenant, T., Superinten-
dent, Cachar, 39-40.

Fraser, Sir Andrew, Lieutenant
Governor of Bengal, reconstitu-
tion of Bengal proposed by, 177.

Friend of India , the, 150.

Frontier guards, establishment of,
82.

Index

285

Fuller, J. B., the Chief Commissio-
ner, supports territorial changes,
177 ; Lieutenant-Governor at
Dacca, 182 ; mission to Assam,
182-3 ; Muhammedans dissuaded
190 ; communal attitude, 190 ;
attempt of the revolutionaries on
the life of 196 ; R. C. Majumdar's
views on, 190.

G

Gadhan , imposed on pykes, 11.

Gait, E. A. 148.

Gamati , 14.

Gandhi, M.K., on Reform Act, 234 ;
on Khilafat issue, 235 ; Rowlatt
Bills, 236 ; on Satyagraha, 238 ;
Non-violent Non-cooperation un-
der leadership of, 240.

Gauhati Municipality, Address of
welcome to Fuller presented by,
182.

General Committee, on Public Ins-
tructions, 105.

Ghose, Nalini, 213.

Ghosh Aurobindo, 198.

— Jogesh Chandra, on tea garden
labour, 167.

— Sitanath, 121.

Goalpara Association , 232.

Gobinda Chandra, Raja , 5 ; taxes
levied by, 36-37 ; murder of, 38.

Gobindapur, protest against en-
hancement of revenue at, 95-96.

Gohain Baruah, Padmanath, Asamiya
Bhasa Unnati Sadhini Sablxa , a
founder member of, 142 ; Bijuli
edited by, 152 ; literary contribu-
tion of, 146ff ; Assam Legisla-
tive Council membership of,
207 ; protests against European
representation in Local Boards,

208 ; interests of the Ahoms,
pleaded by, 210-1.

— Ranua, rebel chief, 78.

Gogoi, Panindra Nath, 143.

Gomdhar Konwar, rebellion of, 19 :
formally enthroned, 19-20 ; flight
into Naga hills of, 20 ; trial and
punishment of, 20-21.

Gordon, G., S.D.O. Maulavi Bazar
attempt at the life of, 199.

Goswami, Chandra Mohan, conti-
nuance of Bengali in Schools,
forceful advocacy of, 139-40.

— Hem Chandra, edits Jomjki, 143 :
Literary contributions of, 145 :
manuscripts collected and compiled
bv, 147-8 ; Newspapers and peri-
odicals, note submitted by, 151.

— Kanailal, of Calcutta, 169.

— Sarat Chandra, 147.

— Utsabananda, Deputy Inspector
of Schools, 130.

Governor-General in Council.

alarmed, 72.

Government Press, the strike by the
employees of, 225.

Grammatical Notice ol the Assa-
mese Language, of Brown, 135.

Grammar of Assamese Language^
of William Robinson, 135.

Grazing Tax, 210 ; debates on, 210.

Gupta, Ananda Chandra, pioneer
member Asamiya Bhasa Unnati
Sadhini Sabha, 142.

Gurney, A. K., Missionary, 135:
first Assamese novelist, 146.

—Mrs., 146.

H

Hadira, chokey of, 57 ; abolition of,
58.

Hannay, Captain, raises levy of irre-
gulars, 45 ; local corps, 45 ; out-

286

INDEX

lying detachments, 72; removes
ring leaders of the rebels to
Dibrugarh, 74 ; Khamti villages
raided by, 78.

Harakanta Baruah 24-5.

Hare, David, educationist, 121.

Haughton, J. C., officiating Agent,
84 ; Commissioner, recommends
restoration of Assamese as official
language, 139.

Hazarika, Atul Chandra, a littera-
teur, 145n, 149.

Hemanath, 24.

Hem-Kos, 137.

Holroyd, Charles, deprives Maniram
of his mouzas , 66 ; conspiracy at
Jorhat reported by, 69-70 ;
arrests Kandarpeswar, 74 ; trial
and punishment of the rebels by,
75-6.

Hardinge, Lord, Governor-General,
on reconstitution of Bengal, 204 ;
on separation of Sylhet, 207.

Hitasadhini, (Goalpara), 151.

Hopkinson, Henry, the Commis-
sioner of Assam, 92-5 ; enhance-
ment in rates of revenue proposed
by, 94.

Huda, Samsul Nawab, 205.

Hukanjuri, tea garden, hat raided
by labourers of, 226.

I

Ibbetson, t Sir Denzil, member,
Viceroy's Executive Council, 172.

Indian General Steam Navigation

Company, regular service, 56.

Indian National Congress, founda-
tion and early sessions of, 164 ;
Assam delegates in the proceed-
ings of, 165-7 ; protest against
partition scheme, 179 } rift bet-

ween two groups in, 192 ; on
Morley-Minto reforms, 203-4 ;
war efforts supported by, 212 ;
Congress-League accord, 214 ;
on Montagu-Chelmsford scheme,
215 ; on Rowlatt Bill, 240 ; on
Khilafat and Jallianwala Bagh,
240 ; non-violent non-cooperation
resolution by, 240.

Indian Tea Association, partition
scheme supported by, 168.

India Prabha, eldest queen of
Gobinda Chandra, 38.

J

Jagatshi, Ashram , 193-4.

Jallianwala Bagh, massacre at, 174 ;
239; 242.

Jayantias or Syntengs, rebellion by,
82 ; causes of, 83-4 ; operation
against, 84 ; submission of, 5.

Jenkins, Francis, arrival of, 33 ; on
Purandar's administration, 33-6 ;
on emigration to Muttock, on
procurement of labour, 56 ; urges
despatch of European force, 72 ;
on Tipam Raja's complicity, 80 ;
views on the insurrection of the
Singphos, 81-2 ; additional taxes
recommended by, 94 ; on instruc-
tions to Assamese youths, 103 ;
establishment of English Schools
proposed by, 104 ; invites mis-
sionaries, 134 ; on grant of waste
land to local people, 53, proposes
transfer of government planta-
tions to Assam Tea company, 53.

Jonaki, an Assamese Journal, 143.

Jorhat Sarhajanik Sabha , founda-
tion of, 159, on Land and Reve-
nue Regulations of 1886, 160, on
opium policy, 160, criticises edu-
cation policy of the government,

Index

287

160 ; on employment of the
natives of the province, 161-2, on
improvement of the emoluments
and service condition, 162; parti-
tion scheme opposed by, 180-L

Johat Tea Company, 54.

Judicial Stamps, introduction of, 84.

Justice, Civil administration of, 12-
3; 29-30; 47-9; 156-7.

K

Kahi, Das, 38.

Kalita, Dandinath, 147.

Kamakhya, temple, centre of
tantric cult, 62, 67.

Kamarupa A nusandhan Samiti, 148.

Kameswar, Purandar’s son, 65.

Kaminikanta, 146.

Kandahar, see Hadira.

Khamtis, office of the Sadiya Khowa
usurped by, 3 ; depredations of
5-6, 8-9 ; jurisdiction deprived of,
77 ; revolt and reduction of, 78-
9 ; attacked Major White, 78 ;
defeated, 78 ; raided villages, 78 ;
uprising in 1839.

Karim, Abdul, 231.

Khasi, Chiefs, uprisings of, 21-3 ;
operation against, 23-4.

Kheldars, 11, 32.

Khel system, 10-1 ; 16 ; organisa-
tion of, lOn ; retention under
Scott, 10-1 ; reorganisation of,
32, 65 ; abolition of, 50, 63.

Khilafat movement, origin of, 235 ;
repurcussion in Assam Valley,
235-6 ; and in Surma Valley,
236.

Kontvar, Rupchand, 24, 27.

Karipabar Baruar Kakator Topola ,
133.

— Obhotani , 133.

Krishna Chandra, brother of Raja
Gobinda Chandra, 38.

L

Labour Corps, 222-3.

Labour, dearth of Assamese, 55 ;
Dhengas imported, 56 ; views on
the traffic in, 167 ; increase in
numbers of, 227 ; ill-treatment of,
227-8 ; acute hardship faced by,
229-30 ; strikes and demonstra-
tions of, 229-30.

Lachima, no tax campaign in, 96-7.

Latu, 75.

Legislative Council Assam, its com-
position, prominent members,
207-8 ; performance of the
members, on opium policy,
grazing tax, composition of Local
Boards, 209-11 ; their limitations,
211 ; support war efforts, 223 ;
suggest remedial measures
against price-rise of essential
commodities, 224-5.

Lister, Captain, 23.

Lloyd George, British Premier, 235.

Local Artillery, 79.

Lockett, Lieutenant, 79.

Lorar Mitra, 137-8.

Lowther, Captain, 74.

M

Macaulay, his minute, 105.

Mackey, D. C., Chairman, Assam

, Tea Company, 74.

Madhav Dev, 140.

Madhu Mallick, a Bengali muktear,
69 ; transportation for life, 76.

Mahlshya Samiti, 168, 173, 191.

Maijan Tea Company, 54.

Majid, Abdul Syed, president,
Anjuman-I-Islamia, 205; demands
separation of Sylhet, 205 ; Later

288

INDEX

prays for retention of Sylhet in
Assam, 206 ; on profiteering of
traders, 224 ; on Rowlatt Bills,
237.

Maju Gohain, 43-4.

Manipur, 1 ; annexation of 5 ; in-
dependent government establish-
ed in, 7.

Manipuri Levy , 6.

Marangikhowa Gohain, 74, 76.

Marshall, Lieutenant, 78.

Marwar, merchants of, 61, 67.

Matibar Barsenapati, 3, 8-9, 43-4.

Matthio James, 106.

Mau, an Assamese periodical, 130,
151.

Majindar Baruah, Durga Prasad, 146.

McMoraine, Lt. Col., George, 6.

Medhi, Kaliram, 148.

Mel , 91 ; at Patharughat, 95 ; at
Gobindapur, 95-6 ; and Pati
Darrang, Nalbari, Barama, Bajali,
96-97.

Mills, A. J., Moffat, the judge, Sadar
Dewani .Adawlat, turns down
representation of Kandarpeswar,
66 ; on Maniram, 68 ; on
administrative affairs in Assam,
68 ; recommends administrative
measures of Jayantia, 83 ; and
substitution of Bengali by Assa-
mese, 115, 138.

Mirjumla, Nawab, 2.

Missionary, schools established by,
107-8 ; strongly advocates intro-
duction of Assamese as the langu-
age of the schools and courts of
Assam, 115-6 ; on female educa-
tion, 129 ; literary contributions
of, 135-6.

Mitra, Ram Chandra, 121.

Moamaria, rebellion of, 2-3.

Montagu-Chelmsford Report, reso-
lution of Indian National Congress
on 215 ; report, 234.

Montagu, E. S., historic declaration
of, 214 ; arrival in India of, 215 ;
report of Montagu-Chelmsford,
215 ; receives Assam delegation in
Calcutta and London, 216-221.

Morton, the Principal Assistant,
Nowgong, 72.

Mukherjee, Jadu Gopal, revolution-
ary activities in Assam, 212, 213n.

Muhammedan Association , Maulavi
Bazar, 168.

Muhammedan Defence Association y
of Calcutta, 190.

N

Nalbari, mel held at, 96.

Naoroji, Dadabhai, 170.

Narendrajit, 75.

Native Infantry, 34th, Chittagong.
74.

National Conference , 164.

— Education, 184.

— Education Committee, 188.

— schools, established in Surma
Valley, 188 ; Assam Valley, 188n ;
effect of, 189.

Nazir, Mayaram, 74, 76 ;

Nazaranas , 28.

Neufville, Captain, pacification of
eastern frontier by, 6 ; appointed
Political Agent, 9 ; Maniram ap-
pointed Sheristadar-Tahsildar by,
65.

New India, 185.

Newspapers of Bengal, news and
views of, 150-1.

Non Regulation Province, 46n, 166.

Nonbah, Ookiang, uprising, 66 ; con-
viction and execution of, 87.

Nungklow, erection of police post
and a convalescence camp at 21 ;
massacre of, 22.

Nuspung, Raja of, 24.

O

O’Dwyer, Michael, General, 239.

Oollung Sallong, native of Nartung,
87.

Opium Eating, Observation of Hem
Chandra and Anandaram, 133 ;
evidence of Gunabhiram before
Royal Commission 133-34 ; emer-
gence of Kani Nibarani Sabha ,
134.

— introduction of, 67 ; excessive use
of, 88 ; introduction of abkari, 89.

P

Pal, Bipin Chandra, represents
Sylhet Association , and the
Tribune , 164 ; attends Indian

National Congress Sessions 164,
165IF ; on jury system, 165-6,
offers felicitation to Charles
Bradlaugh, 167 ; policy of re-
cruitment of labour criticised by,
167 ; on boycott, swadeshi
swaraj, 168, 171, 185-6 ; attends
Surma Valley Association 169 ;
arrest of, 198.

Panchayats, mofussil, 12, 30, 49, 77.

Pani Phukan, Lata, 11.

Parbatia Baruah, Haranath, sadar
daroga , 75-6.

Paridarsak , Bengali fortnightly, 153.

— O-Srihattabasi , 153.

Peali, son of Badan Barphukan, 24,
27.

People's Association, Sylhet, 173.

Phookun, Tarun Ram, a member of
the Assam Association , 173 ; sup-

19

ports non-official chairman for the
Local Boards, 209 ; Reform
scheme, commented by, 216 ; op-
poses excise and grazing tax,
209 ; resignation from Council of,
242 ; opposes separation of
Goalpara and Sylhet, 233 ; sup-
ports war efforts of Britain, 222 ;
on war budget, 224 ; turns a
rebel, 242.

Phukan, Ganga Gobinda, 158.

— Lakshmi Nath, 147.

— Jagnoram, first English educated
Assamese, 120, 126, 242.

Phukanani, Padmavati Devi, 146.

Phulaguri, Beadon’s comments on
uprising at, 93-94.

Political Agent, Upper Assam, 9,
25-6, 33, 43-4.

Poll tax, 11, 14.

Poppy, cultivation of, 89 ; protests
against prohibition of, 90 ; plea
for gradual abolition of, 160.

Praja-Saktiy the, 153, 193.

Professional tax, 11-2.

R

Rae, James, Christian Missionary,
104, 134.

Rai, Lala Lajpat, 185, 198.

Raij mels , see mels .

Rajkhowa, Benudhar, 132, 146.

Ramnavami Natak , 131, 137.

Rangiya, no tax compaign at, 96-7.

Ray, Harish Chandra, 169.

— Sita Nath, views on the workings
of reformed council, 211.

— Choudhury, Ambikagiri, literary
contribution of, 149 ; Sera -
Sangha organised by, 169, 195.

— Brajendra Krishna, 169.

Reid Lieutenant, Commandant of
Local Artillery, Dibrugarh, 79.

290

UQMSK

Revenue, administration, of Scott’s,
9 ; in Lower Assam, 12, 15 ;
Upper Assam, 11, 16; in Central
Assam, 11, 15; increase of, 50;
surplus of, 65 ; officers in 30, 39 ;
Board of, 50-1, 94.

Reynold, Lieutenant, 79.

Richards, Colonel, 6.

Ring leaders, Jayantia, 86 ; of
Phulaguri, 91 ; of Gobindapur, 95.

Risley, H. H., Secretary to Govern-
ment of India, 178.

Robertson, T. C., A. G. G., on
Purandars administration, 33.

Robinson, William, appointed Head
Master, Gauhati School, 106 ;
Inspector of Schools, 109; asses-
ses ability of the Assamese
students, 110, 112 ; publishes

Grammar of Assamese language,
135, on standard of education 110.

Romanticism, in Assamese literature,
147-8.

Ross, Lieutenant, 75.

Rowlatt, E. A., Deputy Commis-
sioner, 84-5.

Rowlatt, Commission, 236, 237,

242.

—Bills, 237, 247.

Roy, Aradhan, 11.

Roval Commission on opium, 133 ;
Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha, memo-
rial to, 160.

Rutherford, Lieutenant, 20.

Ryot Sab*ha, Nowgong, 101.

S

Saadullah, Muhammad, on terrorist
activities, 196 ; member Assam
Legislative Council, 207 ; on ex-
cise and grazing tax, 210 ; on
communal representation, 211 ;

working of the council, 211-2;
on terrorist activities 196 ; on
growing unemployment, 223n.

Sadiya Khowa Gohain , Salan, 8 ;
betrayal of, 25 ; occupied
Saikhowa, 42 ; internment, 42.

Salimullah, Nawab of Dacca, core-
ligionists incited by, 190; resent-
ment of Dibrugarh Public against,
191-2 , burning of effigies of, 192.

Samachar Chandrika , a Journal,
127, 150.

— Darpan, a Bengali periodical.
127, 150.

Saniibani , 150.

Sankar Dev, 140.

Sarkar, Rajani Kanta, 167.

Sarmah, Atmaram, 135.

Sarmah, Chandra Nath, attends
congress session in Calcutta and
Nagpur, 174 , funds for Assam
delegation to London collected
bv,219 ; joins non-cooperation
movement, 242.

— Durgeswar, 145.

— Laksheswar, 143.

— Thakur Das, 159.

Sarukhetri, mels held at, 96.

Satyagraha , Gandhi resorted to,
230 ; Gandhi on, 238 ; employ-
ment of, 238.

Schools, government encouragement
to, 103-4 ; extension of grant-in-
aid system, 111 ; English schools
at Gauhati, 105 ; and Sibsagar,
106 , affiliation of Gauhati school
to Entrance Examination, 114 ;
progress of English schools, 116,

119 , impact on Assamese youths,

120 .

Sconce, Lieutenant Herbert, 90-3.

Scott, David, A.G.G., British suze-
rainty over Cachar extended by.

Index

291

5; agreement with the Singphos,
7 ; permanent annexation of
Lower Assam proposed by ; 9 ;
policy of conciliation, 8 ; revenue
measures under, 11-4, 14 ; his
agreement with Ram Singh, 7 ;
39-40 ; started indigenous schools
in Assam 103-4 ; invites mission-
aries to Assam, 134 ; on restora-
tion of Ahom monarchy, 27-8.

Sebundis, First Assam, 45 ; Second
Assam, 45, 79.

Sen, Nabinchandra, 144, 145.

Shaikh Bhikan, suhedar, 73.

Farmud Ali, collaboration with
Manirom, 74 ; transportation of,

76.

Shihabuddin Talish, 61.

Shillong Association , 164.

Shore, John, Sir, G.G., 3.

Showers, Brigadier-General of the
Eastern Command, 85-7.

Sil, Motilal, 121.

Singer, Head Master, Gauhati
School, 105.

— Lieutenant, Assistant Commis-
sioner, Nowgong, 91-3.

Singh, Ajit, 198.

— Chaurjit, 5.

— Dewan, Cherra Raja, 24.

— Gambhir, driven out the

Burmese, 6 ; vested with sove-
reign authority, 7 ; policy of
penotration by, 37.

— Kunwar, of Jagadishpur, 70.

— Makund, chief of Mosmy, 23.

— Marjit, 5.

— Ram, Raja of Jayantia, 5 ; agree-
ment with Scott, 7 ; warned by
the government, 41-2.

— Rajendra, of Jayantia, 40 ; impli-
cated in murder of British sub-
jects, 41 ; enquiry by Jenkins

into the case of, 41, annexation
of the territory of, 42.

— Terrut, uprising of the Khasis
under, 19, 21 ; agreement with
Scott, 21-22 ; surrender of, 24.

Singha Chandrakanta, ex-Ra/fl, 3-4.

— Gadadhar, 2.

— Gaurinath, 2, 62.

— Ghanakanta, 76.

— Jogeswar, 4, 80.

— Kamaleswar, 3, 64.

— Purandar, agreement with, 28 ;
restoration of, 31 ; problems and
difficulties of 32-4 ; rapid fall in
revenue under, 34-5 ; resump-
tion of the territory of, 36.

— Raja Naranarayan, alias Majumelia
Raja , founder president of Jorhai
Sarbajanik Sabha , 159.

— Sachindra Chandra, editor, 188.

— Siva, Ahom King, 62.

Singphos, 1 ; advance of, 3 ; depre-
dation of, 9 ; agreement with
Scott, 7-8 ; insurrection of, 79-
82.

Shoine, Joy Gobinda, 164.

Shyam, Sarada Charan, 169.

Silchar t the, 153.

Slavery, abolition of, 64.

Society, Moravian, extends helps to
establish technical institution,
101 .

Somprakash, 150-1.

Srihatta Darpan , the 153.

Stihatti Mihir, the, 153.

Sri Sonarchand t 132.

Stamp duties, 88.

Sudmerscn, F. W. Piincipal of
Cotton College, on the progress
of higher education, 119.

Suhrid Samiti> 168.

Suhrid Samiti of Sylhet , 193.

Suhrid Sevak Samiti , 168.

292

&$DSX *,

Sukapha, founder of Ahom kingdom,
1.

Surma Valley Association, objec-
tives, 169 ; propagates Swaraj,
Swadeshi and boycot, 170 ; first
and second conferences of, 170-1 ;
organised partition demontration,
185 ; Swadeshi mission, 187.

Surma Valley Muhammedan Asso-
ciation, 173, 217.

Surma Valiev People’s Association,
218.

Swadeshi Movement, origin of,
184 , in Surma Valley, 187, 190 ;
in Assam Valiev, 186-7, 190 ;

local press on, 196-7.

Stvadhin Bharat , 188.

Sylhet Anjuman , 168.

Sylhet Association, 164.

Sylhet-Bengal Rc-union League ,
the, 231.

Sylhet Light Infantry, 23, 75.

Syntengs, see Jayantias.

Swinton, George, Secretary, G.J., 8.

T

Tagore, Devendra Nath, 121.

— Prasanna Kumar, 121.

Taxes, on land, 30, 50; capitation,
30, 50, 77 ; on one’s caste and
calling, 31 ; house and hearth,
31 ; poll, 35, 50 ; additional, 37 ;
taxation on Jayantias, 83 ; In-
come taxj 83-4 ; on fisheries, 84 ;
for cutting timber, reeds, 88 ; on
grazing, 88 ; multiplication of,
89 ; license, 90.

Tea planters, labour scarcity of,
56 ; 66, 74 ; Chinese tea-makers
imported by, 55 ; recruitment of
Dhengas by, 56.

Terrorist activities, in Sylhet and

Cachar, 192-5 ; in Gauhati, 195/

- 212-3.

— organisation, see Terrorist Activi-
ties.

Tezpur Ryot Sabha , 158-9.

Tilak, extremist leader, 185 ; starts
Home Rule Movement, 214 ; on
Reform Scheme, 215, 234 ; death
of, 240.

Times of Assam , on rights of Assa-
mese ryots, 154 ; on Morlcy-
Minto Reforms, 155 ; on terro-
rism, 197.

Tini Ghaini , 132.

Tipam, Raja, Governor of Mogaung,
80 ; Jenkins’ view on, 81.

Tularam Senapati, Chief of
Kacharis, 37-39.

Trade, barter, 56 ; external, 57, 58 ;
river borne, 57 ; balance of, 58,
61.

Trina\an, 76.

U

Upper Borbhag, mels held at, 96.

V

Vetch, Captain Hamilton, Principal
Assistant, annexed territory of
Muttocks, 44, 57 ; drove the
Singphos, 79 ; on claims of
Singpho Chiefs, 81.

Vidyasagar, Iswarchandra, social
reformer, of Bengal, 131.

Vincent, G.F.F., Collector of
Darrang, introduction of colle-
giate education, proposals made
by, 112-3.

W

Ward, Sir William, the Chief Com-
missioner of Assam, enhances
revenue on land, 96 ; reduces

number of scholarship for higher
studies, 117 ; transfer of some
Bengal districts to Assam pro-
posed by, 177.

Waste land, foreign speculators
encouraged to occupy, 52 ; modi-
fication of rules for grant of, 53 ;
interest of European planters safe-
guarded in Muttock, 77.

Weekly Chronicle , the, 153 ; on
terrorism, 197 ; on constitution of
the Surma Valley Association,
169-70n.

Welsh, Captain, 62.

— Missionaries, commences work in
K & J Hills, 108.

White, Adam, 12 ; his failure to
impose tribute on Muttocks, 32 ;
on administration of Furandar
Singha, 34-5 ; establishes school

at Gauhati, 104; assassination of,
78.

Wilson, J., Inspector qf Schools,
142.

Wilson, James, 88.

— Woodrow, President, U.S.A., de-
claration of, 213 ; on claims of

Turkey, 235.

Wood’s Despatch, 110, 129.

Wookum Koomyan, Chief of
Ilukwang, 25-6.

Y ,

Yandabo, treaty of, 7.

Z

Z amindari Association, Goalpara,
218.

Zamindars, Goalpara, 231.

Errata

5

line

20

read

cause

foi

clause

10

»*

18

99

4,320,000,000^

99

4,4,320,000,000

21

»*

22

99

challenge

99

challege

23

»

31

99

Mumlo

99

Mamlo

36

»*

18

99

efficient ...
government

99

efficient

37

»*

12

99

abandoned

99

abandond

38

19

28

99

previous

91

illegitimate

46

»9

6

99

superintendence

99

Superintendent

54

99

29

99

dividend

99

divident

99

19

22

99

two thousand

>»

tho thousand

102

»»

1

99

moment

99

movement

111

9*

9

99

Schools

9*

Shcools

130

»»

34

99

GRP1A

„

GRPA

»»

9*

36

99

99

99

132

>»

31

99

beliefs

belefs

143

*9

2

99

67

99

37

157

99

8

99

mofussil

99

moffusil

174

’9

36

99

79

99

97

197

22

99

•On

99

on

200

99

5

99

they rendered

99

it rendered

205

99

30

99

Northbrook

99

Northbrooke

220

99

35

?9

mincing

99

muncing

*9

37

99

silence

99

silance

225

9»

9

99

war

99

Own

250

99

23

9*

Asam Dipika

99

Asam Dipaka

278

99

27

99

Band

Baud